Feb 21, 2026

A teacher blows a horn outside of the closed Tenderloin Elementary School in San Francisco before a Tentative Agreement was announced.

Teachers in the San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD) returned to class Wednesday after the United Educators of San Francisco (UESF) ended the city’s first teachers strike in nearly 50 years.

Although the union predictably declared it a historic victory for teachers, school staff will see a decline in real wages from inflation over the two-year contract. What is more, the district and state are threatening layoffs, budget cuts and school closures.

The active role of prominent Democrats Nancy Pelosi (former Speaker of the House), Daniel Lurie (mayor of San Francisco) and American Federation of Teachers national president and Democratic National Committee member Randi Weingarten, highlights the concerted effort by the Democratic Party and its allies in the trade union bureaucracy to contain and halt this powerful strike before it could join with educators in Los Angeles and San Diego, who have also authorized mass strike action.

Little attempt was made to conceal the concessionary nature of the agreement at the February 13 press conference. “We stretched our resources to the limit to get this agreement done,” superintendent Maria Su said, “We still have a long way ahead of us where difficult choices remain.” When asked by a reporter specifically about layoffs and school closures, Su replied, “That has always been on the table.” Since May of 2024, the district’s finances have been overseen by the California Department of Education, after a projected $120 million deficit for the current 2025-26 school year.

The claim that there is “no money” for schools is absurd. San Francisco and the wider Bay Area are home to as many as 131 billionaires and over 340,000 millionaires, making it the second biggest city globally of high-net-worth individuals. “The Bay Area has more billionaires than New York City and everywhere else,” the San Francisco Chronicle declared in a headline last year.

Teachers, like the rest of the region’s working class, struggle to make ends meet. But the deal includes a provocative 4 percent raise over two years, with additional working days adding another 1 percent to staff pay. With yearly inflation rates over 2.5 percent over the past five years, this means that teachers will almost certainly be working longer for less money at the end of the contract. Moreover, without an expanded budget, even these insulting raises will simply be offset by cuts elsewhere. 

The district estimates the cost of the tentative agreement at $183 million over the next two years, and had already been planning $102 million in cuts for the next school year to avoid being placed under state receivership. In other words, without additional sources of revenue, this deal becomes the official justification for redoubled budget cuts and layoffs.

Significantly, the “no strike clause” the UESF has agreed to will be used as a legal straitjacket to try to hold workers back when these massive cuts are made in the immediate future.

Mass action by the working class is essential to fight the attack by the ruling class on democratic rights, and many nationwide have discussed the need for a general strike following the ICE murder of Alex Pretti in Minneapolis.

But while doing their part to hold workers back, UESF is touting language in the tentative agreement around the district’s “sanctuary employer” status. This is a purely symbolic measure. The expanding onslaught of increasingly lawless ICE raids in Minneapolis, Detroit and beyond, coupled with the complicity of the Democrats, make clear that sanctuary status does nothing to protect the largely immigrant population served by San Francisco public schools.

From the beginning, the strike was carefully choreographed by the UESF bureaucracy, the district and Democrats at multiple levels. Although UESF educators have consistently protested over layoffs, school closures and the growing gap between educator pay and cost of living, the union refused to include economic demands in the strike, limiting it to a claim that the district was not “bargaining in good faith.”

Even though most major California school districts have been on expired contracts since last June, the California Teachers Association has deliberately kept teachers on the job, and isolating as much as possible those strikes that they are compelled to call.

Despite two overwhelming votes in favor of strike action in the past two months, the bureaucracy did not call a strike until after the release of a fact-finding report in late January, led by an arbitration firm and coauthored by California Teachers Association (CTA) representative Angela Su. The report analyzed the finances of the district, attempting to assess the level of raises, benefits and staffing that the district could “afford.”

In other words, the UESF accepts the framework that no additional funds can be used to secure educators’ right to a livable income and students’ right to a quality education. Meanwhile, Democratic governor Gavin Newsom has explicitly stated that he will veto any effort to tax billionaires in California.

In fact, the Democratic Party has helped engineer a nationwide school funding crisis, when the Biden administration allowed supplemental COVID funding to expire in 2024. In California, they are even deliberately withholding $5.6 billion allocated to schools under Proposition 98. To the Democrats as well as Trump, the wealth of the billionaires is a right, and quality education for children is expendable.

After four days of powerful pickets and mass demonstrations, winning widespread support from students, families and workers across the city and beyond, the strike was unilaterally called off at 5:30 a.m. Friday morning, without any input from the membership, after the union bargaining and district agreed to the TA. This left educators blindsided, dissipating momentum with the hope of fostering an atmosphere that a yes vote was an inevitability.

A teacher from the eastern San Francisco Bay Area spoke with the WSWS: “It’s a giant web of betrayal, collusion, corruption. It’s really kind of hard to sort it all out. Especially for our colleagues who see this as basically just a contract issue.

“The teachers were allowed to get these small wins at the cost of a whole bunch of layoffs. Whether that was foreseen and planned upon by the district, it seems fairly likely that they kind of thought they would just give in on the contract and lay off a few more people. The unions will feel like they won something and keep quiet for a while.”

He sharply criticized the CTA’s “We Can’t Wait” campaign, which he said “was sold to us as ‘we will finally talk with the state.’ Newsom never had to pay any attention to us. The whole We Can’t Wait thing is a failure. The districts still aren’t doing rallies together.

“It sent me back to May of 2025, when there was a rally that CTA organized in San Francisco. There was a video of various people making speeches, including the UESF president. Her whole speech is a pretty good speech. They’re all talking about Trump and they’re all talking about the state of California funding schools. Nobody is talking about the problem as just our district.

“My union president was interviewed and he was talking about military spending. Now it’s eight months later and all of that’s gone and it’s us against the districts.”

He highlighted the union bureaucracies’ subservience to the Democrats as the main reason for this. “Apparently what happened is that a CFT [California Federation of Teachers] rep came to the union and told them that there’s no appetite for new taxes among the voters. They said we just need to support Prop 55 [which extends existing income tax increases]. They didn’t want the billionaires tax because voters won’t support both taxes. CFT is going around to the locals telling them not to expect more money from the state. Why are they saying that? Because the Democrats told them to.”

The defense of public education cannot be achieved within the confines of the Democrat-imposed austerity budgets. In order for teachers and staff in San Francisco to win living wages and protect their students from the ICE gestapo, they must break out of the union-imposed straitjacket. The first step is to vote no on a tentative agreement that leaves workers worse off at the end of it.

But a no vote on this TA is fundamentally a vote of no confidence in the union leadership presenting it as a historic victory. To take the initiative out of the hands of the conservative union bureaucrats, teachers and staff need to form rank-and-file committees to coordinate with educators in Los Angeles, San Diego and other districts, for an actual strike for the full funding of public education.

2. Two coup attempts: Ex-South Korean president jailed, while Trump sits in office [article in full]

The Seoul Central District Court in South Korea on Thursday sentenced former President Yoon Suk-yeol to life in prison for his failed military coup on the evening of December 3, 2024. A president who launched a violent attack on the country’s legislature with the intent of seizing power and overturning the constitution now faces the prospect of spending the rest of his life behind bars.

While Yoon sits in jail, in the United States, the world’s supposed leading democracy, Donald Trump, a gangster, convicted felon and fascist sits in the White House, more than five years after launching his own violent coup attempt to seize control of Congress and overturn the constitution in an attempt to stay in power following the November 2020 election.

The treatment of these two criminals, in particular that of Trump by the Democratic Party, holds significant lessons for workers in the US and internationally.

The South Korean court characterized Yoon’s declaration of martial law on the night of December 3 as an insurrection while the special prosecutors trying the case even recommended the death penalty. Several of Yoon’s accomplices in the military and police establishment also received significant jail terms. This includes former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, who received a 30-year prison sentence; former National Police Agency Chief Cho Ji-ho, 12 years; and former Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency Chief Kim Bong-sik, 10 years.

Presiding Judge Ji Gwi-yeon stated, “Former President Yoon planned the crime personally and in a leading role, and involved many people in the crime. The emergency martial law incurred an enormous social cost, and the defendant hardly expressed an apology for that.”

Yoon’s coup attempt was the culmination of months of preparation. He dispatched troops to the National Assembly to arrest lawmakers, including leaders of both his then-ruling People Power Party and the main opposition Democratic Party. This was done to prevent them from exercising their legal ability to vote to overturn the martial law declaration, which they would do. The court made clear that it was not convicting Yoon over the martial law declaration itself, but rather the dispatching of troops to parliament.

Judge Ji stated, “It is difficult to deny that former President Yoon inwardly aimed to make the National Assembly unable to function properly for a considerable period by blocking and paralyzing the National Assembly’s activities by means of sending troops to the National Assembly to seal it off and arrest key politicians.” He added, “It is also recognized that he staged a riot by sending in the military.” 

Mass protests as well as a growing strike movement broke out in response to Yoon’s coup attempt. On December 14, 2024, the president was impeached and suspended from office. He was arrested in January while still technically the president and ultimately removed from office in a unanimous decision by the Constitutional Court last April. Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party came to office in a special election shortly afterwards.

Yoon was impeached, arrested, removed from office, and sentenced to life behind bars in the space of less than 15 months. For attempting to overthrow the rule of law, Yoon now joins a list of former South Korean presidents imprisoned for crimes while in office, including Chun Doo-hwan, Noh Tae-woo, Lee Myung-bak, and Park Geun-hye.

Why is it then that South Korea’s Yoon sits in jail while Trump sits in the White House? As the World Socialist Web Site has described, Trump’s January 6, 2021 coup served as a watershed moment in international politics, not only signifying a turning point in US politics but also serving as a model for figures like Yoon.

In contrast to Yoon’s coup plotting, which took place largely in secret, Trump carried out his actions in full view of the public, making it clear he would not accept the results of the 2020 election if he lost and then promoting the “big lie” of the stolen election after Joe Biden’s victory. Throughout this period, Trump whipped up an atmosphere of violence against his political opponents. He then organized a mob of far-right fascists to attack Congress on January 6 with the intent of seizing and killing elected representatives to keep Trump in office.

Trump has not been held accountable for his actions in the slightest, whether in relation to the coup attempt or any of the other crimes he has committed, including his illegal attacks on Venezuela and Iran and the terrorizing of the population through the ICE gestapo. This is not due to the political prowess of Trump or the strength and support he commands; quite the contrary. Trump is a widely reviled figure in the US and internationally.

Yet the US Democrats have not offered any serious opposition to this fascist agenda. Even now as Trump assembles an armada in the Middle East in preparation for what have been called “sustained, weeks-long operations” against Iran, there has not been a single voice of opposition from the Democrats, let alone debate in Congress, which alone has the constitutional ability to declare war. This is not accidental, but a sign of the Democrats’ consent for yet another criminal imperialist conflict.

At the same time, South Korea is no paragon of democratic values. For four decades it was ruled by dictators, first the US puppet Syngman Rhee and then under the military dictatorship first established in a coup led by Park Chung-hee.

The façade of democracy that exists today was built on the scaffolding of this dictatorship. The military retains a strong influence behind the scenes as well as close connections to Washington, as does much of the South Korean state. Yet even the Democrats, who descend from the loyal opposition to Rhee and Park, today felt compelled to act against Yoon to pay lip service to “democracy.”

The South Korean Democrats and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions worked to dissipate the mass movement that was developing. They seemingly gave support to protests that were called to give the impression that they were actively fighting against Yoon’s attack on democracy. The decision to do so, and ultimately to remove Yoon, was meant to protect the state itself and prevent people from drawing conclusions about the necessity to break with the capitalist system.

Yet the US Democrats and the trade unions do not even go this far, instead bowing and scraping before the fascist in the White House, demonstrating how far even bourgeois democracy has degenerated in the US.

It is not the person of Trump whom the Democrats bow before, but the oligarchy he represents and that dominates political and economic life. Any action taken against Trump would be seen as an infringement on the oligarchy’s ability to extract profits from the working class and to wage wars overseas in pursuit of their imperialist interests.

Therefore, the Democrats assure Trump of their bipartisan support while passing his budgets, including to fund the military and ICE. The Democrats are conscious that any movement against Trump, even in a limited form, could easily turn into a larger mass movement out of their control and that of their allies in the trade unions.

During its four years in office, the Biden administration refused to take any serious actions to hold Trump accountable. Legal actions against Trump were filed largely over secondary issues while the government took its time in bringing charges against the then-former president for his role in the January 6 coup, charges that were ultimately dropped after he was reelected. No charges were brought against Trump for insurrection.

Instead, the Biden administration and the Democrats paved the way for Trump to return to office by focusing their attention on the agenda of US imperialism for which it needed the Republican Party’s support, in particular waging war against Russia in Ukraine and ensuring Washington’s full-backing for Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Trump capitalized on this as well as the Democrats’ arrogant indifference to the devastating impact of inflation on workers’ living standards.

The Democratic Party in the US claims that nothing can be done to stop Trump aside from waiting for the next elections, if they are even held. Yet protests and growing public outrage towards the events in Minnesota last month demonstrated the strength of the working class, forcing the Trump administration into a tactical retreat. But what frightens the Trump administration also frightens the Democrats, that is the development of a mass working class movement against the capitalist system itself.

Despite its limitations, the jailing of South Korea’s Yoon exposes the lie that nothing can be done. It also exposes the fact that no opposition to Trump, even in limited forms, will come from the Democrats or any section of the US political establishment. Instead, the fight against Trump and the oligarchy that both he and the Democrats defend must come through a movement of the working class.

5. US draws up plans for “leadership change” and “targeting individuals” in Iran strike

An attack on Iran would constitute a war of aggression—the “supreme international crime”—as defined at the Nuremberg trials. Iran has not attacked the United States. There is no UN Security Council authorization. There is no congressional authorization. Trump has made clear he regards none of this as a constraint. “I don’t need international law,” he told the New York Times in January.

The threat of attack comes as Iran’s government has been desperately appealing to the Trump administration to negotiate. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Friday that a draft counterproposal would be ready “in the next two, three days” following indirect talks in Geneva this week and that a deal could be achieved “in a very short period of time.”

Iran’s diplomatic efforts will count for nothing, because for the Trump administration “diplomacy” is merely a pretext and cover for murder and extortion. Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro sought to negotiate with the Trump administration in the months before the January raid that seized him and his wife, offering as late as the day before to discuss a deal.

*****

The war against Iran is a component of the eruption of American militarism all over the world. The carrier now entering the Mediterranean to attack Iran was redeployed from the Caribbean, where it took part in the seizure of Venezuelan President Maduro. The attack on Venezuela, the threatened seizure of Greenland and the Panama Canal, and the war against Iran are components of a single strategy: the use of military power to control the world’s critical resources and chokepoints in preparation for conflict with Russia and China. 

*****

On Friday, as the [aircraft carrier USS Gerald R.] Ford entered the Mediterranean and the administration announced plans for “leadership change” and “targeting individuals,” neither House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, nor Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, nor the leaders of the “progressive” wing of the Democratic Party—Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who last weekend at the Munich Security Conference repeated the administration’s regime change talking points about Iran—issued any statement.

The Democrats have voted to fund every weapon now being assembled for this attack. The $901 billion National Defense Authorization Act passed the House 312-112 in December, with 115 Democrats voting yes. In the Senate, it passed 77-20 with the vast majority of Democrats in favor. In January, 149 House Democrats voted for $839 billion in defense appropriations.

4. Andrew’s arrest, the British monarchy, and the international oligarchy

The arrest and ongoing investigation of the former prince, Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, has set in motion the gravest crisis Britain’s constitutional monarchy has ever faced.

Whatever attempts are made to portray this as a problem exclusively of the disgraced ex–Duke of York, the entire Royal Family and successive British governments face the possibility of devastating revelations about their knowledge of Andrew’s sordid dealings with the billionaire child-sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein.

*****

Little wonder that King Charles’ first response to the arrest was to issue a statement throwing Andrew to the wolves, declaring “the law must take its course” and promising his “full and wholehearted support and co-operation” with the investigation. Similar statements were issued by Labour Prime Minister Starmer and Justice Secretary David Lammy.

But efforts to take distance from Andrew will not withstand scrutiny. The then prince was protected at every turn by the palace, in an operation led by the former queen, Elizabeth II. No visit to the palace by Epstein or his victims could happen without the knowledge of the queen and her staff. When rumors first began to emerge publicly, she responded by elevating him to Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order—the highest honor she could bestow.

*****

The unprecedented scale of the crisis is reflected in the near universal references to the last senior royal to be arrested, Charles I, by Oliver Cromwell during the English Civil War. He was subsequently tried and executed for high treason in 1649.

No one faces a similar fate today, but the long period of constitutional monarchy that began in the aftermath of Cromwell’s Protectorate, with the restoration of Charles II and then the installation of William of Orange in the “Glorious Revolution”, is finally unravelling.

This has major implications for British imperialism. The monarchy is not merely a symbol. It plays a major role in the system of class rule in Britain. Its recent and prolonged crisis has been intimately connected with the cancerous growth of the global financial oligarchy epitomized by Epstein.

Increasingly close relations with that oligarchy, the intermingling of the old and new aristocracies, have accelerated the public fall of the royal family from its appointed position of aloof propriety into the sewer of bourgeois politics and corruption.

The bitterness of the then Prince Charles’s breakup with Diana and the damage done was fuelled in large measure by her ability to win the support of members of the global super rich when the palace moved against her—above all in the US, and then later with Mohamed Al-Fayed. It saw support for the monarchy fall to an historic low of 26 percent.

In many respects, Andrew followed in the grooves dug by Diana. Similarly, when relations broke down with Diana’s son Prince Harry surrounding his marriage to Meghan Markle, he turned to the American super-rich as a new power base and source of continued income and privilege.

Attempts to keep the royal flagship afloat through these crises have been dashed on the rocks of Epstein’s island.

*****

The last comparable corruption scandal in the UK was the Profumo Affair (1961-63), which ended in the fall of the Macmillan government. The Epstein scandal, international in scope, is already reverberating far beyond Britain’s shores, and its impact will only intensify in the coming period.

5. Strong support at Ford Rouge for rank-and-file campaign of Will Lehman for UAW president

Dozens of workers stopped to speak with campaigners, voicing frustration with unbearable workloads, forced overtime, harassment, and indifference from UAW reps who “side with management.”

6. Pennsylvania high school students violently attacked by police during anti-ICE walkout

From Pennsylvania to Virginia, Oklahoma and Texas, authorities are suspending and criminalizing youth protesting immigration enforcement.

7. Lawyer exposes illegal detention and “domestic Guantánamos” in case of former Detroit Cass Tech student, Alcides Caceres

According to his attorney, Caceres was driving his work truck when he was pulled over by a Border Patrol agent despite having no traffic violations.

8. “They are denying people’s human rights”: UPS worker speaks out against intimidation, injuries, forgeries at Redmond hub

After exposing alleged forgeries on dozens of employee files and management pressure on injured workers not to go to the hospital, a part-time UPS supervisor says she was targeted for retaliation.

9. NYSNA holds snap vote on second sellout agreement for NewYork-Presbyterian nurses

The new tentative agreement differs little from the previous deal which workers overwhelmingly rejected a week ago. 

10. Operating engineers at healthcare giant Kaiser Permanente to join 31,000 currently on strike

The engineers’ walkout expands the Kaiser Permanente strike, intensifying the nationwide confrontation between the healthcare workers and the industry and signaling the growing unity among technical and clinical workers.

11. Marty Supreme: a table tennis star’s frantic fight for fame

The director and co-writer of Marty Supreme is Josh Safdie, and the film bears some artistic-emotional resemblance to his earlier Uncut Gems (2019), a movie—on which he shared directing credit with his brother Benny—dealing with another hustler, this one from New York City’s Diamond District.

Like Uncut Gems, Safdie’s latest movie is an example of what has been called “propulsive filmmaking,” characterized above all by breakneck speed, assaults on the senses and rapid editing and camerawork, often with few opportunities to stop and think about what is being depicted.

*****

As a serious film, Marty Supreme comes up short. The “propulsive” style has drawn praise, but it is something that needs to be thought about critically. Almost an iron law of filmmaking is that a work insisting on “non-stop,” ceaselessly “breathtaking” action does so because it has relatively little of interest to say when it slows down. Often, the relentless motion substitutes for capturing life in a genuinely dynamic manner and obscures an essentially static drama or comedy. Safdie’s type of art, and there are many directors from the same “school,” is a form of violent moving in place. Too many of the sequences are tedious and pointless.

Linked to that static approach, is an almost obsessive worship of the accomplished fact. Safdie and his collaborators approach various degrading and dispiriting features of American postwar life and contrive to make out of them, in the words of the film’s admirers, a delirious “underdog” “thrill ride” through New York’s “underbelly.”

Along the same lines, Safdie explains to an interviewer, “These wide-eyed determined people who live with a sense of urgency, outside of time, are very attractive to me,” and refers to “Budd Schulberg’s What Makes Sammy Run? and Mordecai Richler’s The Apprenticeship of Duddy Kravitz.” But both of those novels are sharply critical of their unscrupulous, ruthless “entrepreneurial” protagonists (Sammy Glick had “not a single principle to slow him down,” wrote Schulberg, who was in the Communist Party when he started writing the book), even while taking into account the circumstances, including antisemitism, that produced them.

Safdie’s accommodation to what exists extends to the “villain” of the piece, Rockwell-O’Leary. Tellingly, the director told the Guardian, “Milton [Rockwell] is a vampire. He’s a cold, corporate, capitalist colonialist. And they’ll be around forever; I don’t see them going anywhere. There is an art to what they do—obviously a lot of destruction, too—but sometimes a beauty.” Finding beauty in the activities of a vile capitalist is not a strength in an artist, it is, in one way or another, a form of social capitulation.

The secret to Marty Supreme’s critical success, in a more fundamental sense, likely lies in the appeal it holds for certain identity politics-obsessed journalists and commentators. They clearly identify with the character of Marty, whom they see as a lovable rogue, and a kind of standard-bearer for Jews who have “made it” or are role models for how to live and how to fight. These critics see Marty Supreme as a tale of how to achieve fame and fortune in capitalist America, not just for Jews but for other “identities” as well.

*****

The New York Times is leading the identity politics parade once again, as it did with racial identity politics in the discredited 1619 Project, which appeared as a special issue of its Sunday Magazine some six and a half years ago. More than 20 separate articles on Marty Supreme have appeared in the Times in recent weeks, one more enthusiastic than the last. 

12. National strike in Argentina fails to halt historic labor counterreform and mass layoffs

The Chamber of Deputies’ approval of fascist President Javier Milei’s “Labor Modernization Law” clears the way for a ruthless regime of mass layoffs, wage cuts and workplace abuse. 

13. US Department of Labor reports 5,070 US workers killed on the job in 2024

The US Department of Labor’s annual report on worker deaths for 2024 reveals 5,070 preventable workplace fatalities, a figure that will surely rise as safety protections are eviscerated.

14. Real wages to continue falling in Australia

Wages grew by just 3.4 percent over the past year, well below the annual inflation rate of 3.8 percent, amid warnings of deepening real pay cuts for at least the next two years.

15. IMF calls on China to restructure its economy

Following last year’s record Chinese trade surplus of $1.2 trillion, the latest IMF report on China released earlier this week was more specific on what it considers needs to be done.

Echoing continued complaints by major powers that the surge in Chinese exports and the increased competitiveness of a wide range of its products on world markets is in violation of so-called “free market” principles, the fund estimated that China spends about 4 percent of its GDP to subsidise companies in critical areas of the economy and this should be halved to 2 percent in the medium term.

It said China’s policies were “giving rise to international spillovers and pressures” and in combination with weak demand in the domestic economy make China “more reliant on manufacturing exports as a source of growth.”

The significance of the trade surplus issue is highlighted by the fact that references to “external imbalances” appeared more than ten times in the current report compared to no such mentions in the report of 2024.

“Transitioning to a consumption-led growth model should be the overarching priority,” the IMF said.

*****

The IMF said that “reorienting China’s growth model requires significant cultural and economic transformation.”

There is a little indication of that taking place. Responding to the assertion in the report that the Chinese currency was about 16 percent undervalued and this gave China an advantage in world markets, China’s representative on the IMF’s executive board, Zhengxin Zhang, said Beijing’s currency policy was “clear and consistent” and relied on market forces to play “a decisive role.”

*****

There are indications that the key area of artificial intelligence, which the US is counting on as it strives to maintain its global dominance, is going to be under increasing challenge from China.

An article published in the Financial Times this week by June Yoon noted that the price of using AI was falling and that what she called China’s “hottest AI group” Zhipu was providing entry level access to AI at $3 a month compared to $20 a month by US AI providers.

“Markets are pricing a world in which US AI groups maintain outsized control over global AI revenue and dominate the highest margin segments, while global users continue to accept higher price points. But how sustainable is that assumption?” she wrote.

It may well be that the AI market or a major part of it goes the way of solar panels, electric vehicles and many other commodities where Chinese firms dominate the global market.

In a revealing interview with the business channel CNBC, Sam Altman, the head of OpenAI, the owner of ChatGPT, said that the progress of Chinese tech companies, including in AI, was “amazingly fast.”

He said that in some areas, Chinese companies lagged behind but in others they were near the frontier.

Altman said OpenAI was growing at an “extremely fast rate right now.” The company, which has yet to turn a profit as it burns through cash—the loss estimate for this year is $14 billion—should focus on continuing to grow faster and faster, he said, adding that “we’ll get profitable when we think it makes sense.”

But such is the pace of technological development and production innovation that it may find that it has been undercut in some areas of the market before that stage is even reached.

16. Berlin: Factories in ailing industrial sectors bought up to produce military weapons

In the German metal and electrical industries, 10,000 to 15,000 jobs are being destroyed every month, but there is a gold rush atmosphere in the arms industry. Arms companies like Rheinmetall are turning struggling factories into weapons production plants.

17. Canadian workers express support for Will Lehman’s campaign for UAW president on program of rank-and-file power

 
Will Lehman in Detroit

Mack Trucks worker Will Lehman is running in the United Auto Workers (UAW) presidential election on a program calling for the transfer of power to the rank and file. His campaign includes four key demands: abolishing the bureaucratic apparatus and building rank-and-file committees so workers on the shop floor can take control of decision-making power; ending the UAW’s corporatist collaboration with big business and the government; repudiating the UAW’s American nationalism and endorsement of Trump’s “America First” trade war policies; and mobilizing the industrial and political power of the entire working class to defend democratic rights and oppose war.

Under conditions in which the Canadian ruling class has responded with foul Canadian nationalism to the would-be fascist dictator Trump’s threats to annex the country and launching of trade war, workers north of the border have reacted with enthusiasm to Lehman’s call for international working class unity. Canadian workers have experienced firsthand how the union bureaucracies, like those in Unifor, the Canadian Union of Postal Workers, Canadian Union of Public Employees and the Quebec unions, have used the same tactics as the UAW to enforce sweeping concessions and job cuts over the past four decades.

A laid-off worker at the General Motors CAMI plant in Ingersoll was eager to voice his support for Will Lehman’s campaign. The plant faces permanent shuttering after GM laid off its workforce amid a drop in sales for the EVs produced at the facility. Unifor, working hand-in-hand with the federal Liberal government, is championing a proposal to have the facility manufacture military vehicles as part of Canadian imperialism’s rearmament drive for world war.

“Without a deeper international cooperation of our unions, the UAW and Unifor, along with our union and non-union brothers and sisters working in Mexico and abroad, we are far too susceptible to the divide and conquer strategy our multinational tyrant employers use to exploit us,” the worker commented. “I believe Will Lehman with his unvarnished message of international unity has us directed towards the right goals. Solidarity!”

18. Heads of British and German armed forces insist Europe’s population must be made ready for war

For the working class the generals’ statement must be seen as a declaration of the class war that must be conducted if imperialist war is to be waged—one emanating from the highest echelons of the military. 

19. Workers Struggles: Asia, Australia and the Pacific

Australia:

Victoria: 10,000 health workers strike for higher wages
 
Queensland health professionals continue industrial action against proposed cuts
 
Crown Melbourne casino workers strike again
 
Winc distribution warehouse workers in Queensland walk out for pay parity
 
Dynelec electricians in New South Wales remain on strike
 
Aurizon Coal workers in New South Wales begin industrial action for pay rise 
 
Sky diving instructors at Experience Co strike again over cuts to pay and conditions

Bangladesh:

Hotel and restaurant workers protest job cuts and demand minimum wage

India:  

Tamil Nadu school nutritious meal and Anganwadi workers maintain state-wide protest

Sri Lanka:

Government doctors continue protests

Taiwan:

TaiDoc medical devices plant employees protest exploitation of migrant workers

20. Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

Bogdan Syrotiuk

The fight for the Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist's freedom is an essential component of the struggle against imperialist war, genocide, dictatorship and fascism.

Feb 20, 2026

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today: 

1. Ukrainian President Zelensky pledges elections, quickly backtracks

The fight for democracy and to end the war in Ukraine is inseparable from the struggle to mobilize the working class in Ukraine and internationally against capitalism.

2. French politics lurches right after the death of a fascist

The death of a fascist near an event organised by France Unbowed (La France Insoumise, LFI) has triggered a right-wing rampage in France.

3. Germany: 6 years since the racist murders in Hanau

Six years after the racist murder attack in Hanau, thousands took to the streets again on February 19 to commemorate the victims. A tenth victim has recently succumbed to his injuries.

4. United States: Walter Reed military hospital formalizes deal with Kaiser Permanente to prepare for mass casualties in future wars

The deal was finalized as 31,000 Kaiser workers are on strike across California and Hawaii, underscoring the political significance of their struggle.

5. Will Lehman backs plant occupations by Mexican auto parts workers against mass layoffs

The Mack Trucks worker and candidate for United Auto Workers president has issued a statement supporting the Mexican auto parts workers fighting mass layoffs by US-based corporation.

6. US forces in position for illegal attack on Iran

The United States has positioned its naval and air forces for a massive assault on Iran in the largest military buildup in the Middle East since the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

7. Billionaires and corporate lawyers resign following latest Epstein file release

Billionaires, CEOs and corporate attorneys have stepped down after newly released Justice Department files exposed their ties to Epstein. Despite mounting evidence, no new indictments have been issued.

8. World Socialist Revolution is the answer to imperialist war and fascism

 
David North delivered lectures online at the invitation of Social Democracy clubs at Bilkent University and Middle East Technical University, both located in Ankara, Turkey. The lectures were delivered on February 17 and 19.

9. “The worst of the worst”: ICE detains Chilean death squad killer

The Trump administration claims ad nauseam that ICE’s anti-immigrant dragnet is targeting the “worst of the worst.” Whether by chance or design, the detention of Armando Fernández Larios fits the bill.

10. More than 100 film artists condemn Berlinale’s censorship of opposition to Israel’s Gaza genocide

The open letter quotes Chinese artist Ai Weiwei who described what was taking place in Germany as “doing what they did in the 1930s.”

11. Labor government moves to bar entry to Australian women and children interned in Syria

The Albanese government’s actions, echoing the anti-immigrant poison of One Nation, flout warnings of widespread human rights abuses in Syrian internment camps.

12. Job cuts and restructuring continue at Australian universities, facilitated by the trade unions

Union deals and enterprise agreements are enabling the Albanese Labor government’s pro-corporate and pro-military restructuring of universities.

13. The global company Veolia at the heart of NZ’s wastewater disaster

Active across 56 countries, Veolia epitomises the subordination of vital resources and public services to the profit interests of finance capital, imposing the costs onto the working class.

14. Washington D.C. declares public emergency after Potomac sewer collapse

The District’s Potomac sewage emergency stems from long‑neglected infrastructure which will be addressed through prolonged repairs and higher rates on the population and devastated health and livelihoods for River residents.

15. Düsseldorf Art Academy accused of antisemitism due to performance by Palestinian artist Basma al-Sharif

The artist was not criticized for her works, but for several pro-Palestinian posts on Instagram criticizing the Israeli government, including a call to boycott Israel.

16. Former prince Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor arrested in Epstein investigation

Police arrested Andrew on suspicion of Misconduct in Public Office, believed to relate to emails released by the US Department of Justice showing him sharing information with convicted child sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

17. Trade unions, Catalan regional government work to suppress teachers’ anger after mass strike

Across Catalonia, the number of demonstrators exceeded 100,000. The total number of teachers in the region is around 90,000, indicating that substantial numbers of students and other Catalan workers supported the teachers.

18. Jeremy Corbyn: Britain’s anti-socialist witch-hunter

Having been deprived of Labour’s century-old apparatus for expelling socialists and repressing the party membership, Corbyn and his allies are endeavouring to create a new one.

19. Workers Struggles: Africa, Europe & Middle Easte

Africa

Kenya:

Aviation workers strike over poor conditions and delayed salaries; union orders return to work

Nigeria:

Shopworkers hold protests to demand unpaid salaries

Europe

Belgium:

Firefighters hold strike and demonstration in Brussels against cuts

France:

Teachers in the Paris region walk out over austerity cuts

France and Italy:

Games software designers at Ubisoft strike against layoffs and for better pay and working conditions

Spain:

Tens of thousands of doctors continue strikes over changes to pay and conditions

United Kingdom:

Structural steel workers in Bolton walk out after zero percent pay offer

Further walkout by microbiology staff at UK hospital over pay banding and workloads

Cinema workers in Glasgow, Scotland, resume long-running stoppage over pay and working conditions

Middle East

Israel:

Strike by port workers over fear of job losses following takeover

20. Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk! 

 

The fight for the Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist's freedom is an essential component of the struggle against imperialist war, genocide, dictatorship and fascism.

World Socialist Revolution is the answer to imperialist war and fascism 

On February 19th, David North delivered an online lecture to members of Social Democracy clubs in Ankara, Turkey.  David North is the chairman of the International Editorial Board of the World Socialist Web Site and the National Chairman of the Socialist Equality Party (US). 

In this lecture, North defends Leon Trotsky's prognosis of the inevitability of capitalism's devolution and turn to barbarism. He describes a recent speech, well received by its attendees at the Munich Security Conference, by Marco Rubio in which the US Secretary of State embraced the fascistic rhetoric of "blood and soil" and abandoned the enlightenment principles that founded the American republic. 

North explains the urgent necessity of the international working class to realize and coordinate its decisive strength to save all humanity.

Here is North's lecture in full (for audio and illustrations, please visit the World Socialist Web Site):

*****

I welcome this opportunity to speak to you from Detroit, and allow me to express my gratitude to the Social Democratic Club for extending this invitation.

This meeting is being held under conditions of immense crisis. There is an imminent danger of a US and Israeli attack on Iran. According to a report published several hours ago in the New York Times:

The rapid buildup of U.S. forces in the Middle East has progressed to the point that President Trump has the option to take military action against Iran as soon as this weekend, administration and Pentagon officials said, leaving the White House with high-stakes choices pursuing diplomacy or war. …

Israeli forces, which have been on heightened alert for weeks, have been making preparations for a possible war, and a meeting of Israel’s security cabinet was moved from Sunday to Thursday [today], according to two Israeli defense officials.

The International Committee of the Fourth International, the Socialist Equality Party in the United States, and the International Editorial Board of the World Socialist Web Site denounce the planned war on Iran. It is an open violation of international law. It falls under the category of a “crime against peace,” which was the principal charge brought against the Nazi leaders in the 1945–46 trials in Nuremberg.

The fascistic Trump government is capable of any crime. It conducts foreign policy in the manner of Hitler’s Third Reich.

In just the last six weeks, Trump’s regime has attacked Venezuela and kidnapped its president. It has imposed a blockade of Cuba, aimed at depriving it of oil and starving its population. It is supporting the ongoing Israeli genocide of the people of Gaza.

Whether or not the war begins within the next few days, or within several weeks or even months, there will be war. Even if there is a sudden announcement of a diplomatic breakthrough, it will do no more than change the timetable of an attack. The objectives of US imperialism—the domination of the planet—cannot be achieved peacefully. War against Iran is, for the United States, an essential stage in its preparation for the coming conflict with China.

War will not be stopped by appeals to imperialist and bourgeois governments. The international working class confronts a situation comparable to that which existed on the eve of World War II. But the comparison is inadequate, because the consequences of war today would be infinitely more terrible than they were 87 years ago. Humanity faces the imminent danger of a nuclear catastrophe that could result in the destruction of all human life.

This is the situation that imparts to the words of Leon Trotsky, written in 1938, an overwhelming urgency: “Without a socialist revolution, in the next historical period at that, a catastrophe threatens the whole culture of mankind.”

This is why today’s meeting is so important. One cannot speak seriously about socialist revolution without turning to a careful study of the life and work of Leon Trotsky.

Among the most important years of Trotsky’s life were spent in Turkey, most of that time on the island of Büyükada. Between 1929 and 1933 Trotsky wrote his autobiography, My Life, and his incomparable History of the Russian Revolution. He also wrote the great political documents that analyzed the political situation in Germany and warned that the disastrous policies of the German Communist Party were clearing the path for the coming to power of Hitler’s Nazi Party. Finally, on the eve of his departure from Büyükada, in July 1933, Trotsky issued the call for the building of the Fourth International. 

What were the events that led to Trotsky’s exile? 

In January 1929, Leon Trotsky was expelled from the Soviet Union by the bureaucratic regime led by Stalin. During the previous five years he had led the struggle of the Left Opposition, founded in October 1923, against the bureaucratic degeneration of the workers state created by the 1917 October Revolution. Notwithstanding the lies of the Stalinist regime, it is a historical fact that Trotsky’s role in the Bolshevik Party’s conquest of power and the survival of the Soviet regime in the struggle against imperialist intervention between 1918 and 1921 was comparable to that played by Lenin.

This assessment of Trotsky’s role is based on the following:

The perspective that culminated in the Bolshevik seizure of power was based on Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution, which he had developed in the aftermath of the revolution of 1905. Trotsky foresaw that the bourgeois democratic revolution in Russia would assume the form of a socialist revolution, in which the working class would overthrow the capitalist class and take power in its own hands. Moreover, the workers revolution in Russia would be not only a national event; its fate would be inextricably linked to the development of the world socialist revolution.

This was the perspective that Lenin adopted in April 1917 upon his return to Russia. As a consequence of the outbreak of the first imperialist world war in 1914, Lenin altered his appraisal of the class dynamic of revolution in Russia. He abandoned the Bolshevik Party’s longstanding program of the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry and argued that the task arising from the overthrow of the tsarist regime was the conquest of power by the working class.

In the course of the world war, which exposed the reactionary role of the Second International and its Menshevik adherents in Russia, Trotsky came to recognize the correctness of the struggle that Lenin had waged since 1903 against opportunist and centrist tendencies.

Thus, the change in the Bolshevik Party program, and Trotsky’s acceptance of Lenin’s farsighted principles of party organization, brought to a conclusion the earlier pre-1917 factional conflicts between these two historic figures. Trotsky and many of his co-thinkers entered the Bolshevik Party. As Lenin was to write in September 1917, there was no better Bolshevik than Trotsky.

In September–October 1917, Trotsky—as chairman of the Military-Revolutionary Committee of the Soviet—was the principal tactician and organizer of the seizure of power.

In the spring of 1918, Trotsky was appointed Commissar of War and Supreme Commander of the newly created Red Army. During the next three years, Trotsky played the most critical role in its victory over the counterrevolutionary forces backed by all the major imperialist powers.

Lenin and Trotsky played the decisive role in the founding of the Third International, and were the most influential figures in the first four congresses of the Comintern held annually between 1919 and 1922. Trotsky wrote the historic Manifesto of the Second Congress, and delivered many of the most important speeches at these critical congresses. Stalin, by contrast, did not deliver a single speech at any of the first four congresses.

The political strategy which underlay the founding of the Communist International (Comintern) and guided its first four congresses was that the victory of the October Revolution marked the beginning of the World Socialist Revolution. In fact, the strategic calculations that guided the policies pursued by the Bolsheviks after Lenin’s return to Russia in April 1917 were based, first and foremost, on an appraisal of international, rather than national, conditions.

The issues that initially led to the formation of the Left Opposition were related to economic policies, the bureaucratization of the Russian Communist Party (RCP) and the suppression of inner-party democracy. But the even more significant division within the RCP emerged in 1924. In the aftermath of Lenin’s death, the factional attacks on Trotsky intensified. The anti-Marxist essence of the campaign against Trotsky was revealed in December 1924 in an essay written by Stalin, where for the first time he advanced, in opposition to the internationalist strategy of the October Revolution, the national-chauvinist program of “socialism in one country.”

Crudely falsifying the history of the October Revolution and the writings of Lenin, Stalin denounced the program of permanent revolution and declared that the survival of the USSR and the building of socialism did not require the victory of socialism in the advanced capitalist countries of Western Europe and North America, that there existed within Russia sufficient national resources for the development of a socialist society.

He attacked Trotsky’s insistence that, in Stalin’s own words, “the victory of socialism in one country is impossible, that that victory of socialism is possible only as the victory of several of the principal countries of Europe (Britain, Russia, Germany), which combine into a United States of Europe; otherwise it is not possible at all.”

Stalin attacked with particular vehemence the following statement by Trotsky:

As long as the bourgeoisie remains in power in the other European countries we shall be compelled, in our struggle against economic isolation, to strive for agreements with the capitalist world; at the same time it may be said with certainty that these agreements may at best help us to mitigate some of our economic ills, to take one or another step forward, but real progress of a socialist economy in Russia will become possible only after the victory of the proletariat in the major capitalist countries.

These words, declared Stalin with his characteristic dishonesty, cynicism and pragmatic short-sightedness, amounted to the “final shipwreck” of the theory of permanent revolution.

More than a century has passed since the Stalinist bureaucracy launched its assault on Trotsky and the program of permanent revolution. The repudiation of the program of world socialist revolution culminated 35 years ago in the “final shipwreck” of the Soviet Union. Notwithstanding the genuine achievements of the Soviet Union and the extraordinary sacrifices of the Soviet working class, especially during World War II, socialism was never built. The program of “socialism in one country” led to innumerable political disasters, culminating in the dissolution of the USSR in 1991.

Even in the aftermath of the voluntarily dissolution of the USSR by the Soviet bureaucracy, the reactionary remnants of the old Communist parties, as well as groups of pseudo-left petty-bourgeois radicals and nationalists, proclaim Stalin as their hero. They declare their solidarity with the man who not only ordered the murder of Lenin’s closest comrades in the leadership of the Bolshevik Party but also instigated the bloody terror that exterminated hundreds of thousands of Marxist workers, intellectuals and artists between 1936 and 1940. Among Stalin’s victims were socialist leaders beyond the borders of the USSR, including the leader of the Spanish POUM, Andreu Nin, and, finally, Trotsky himself.

The strategic conceptions of Trotsky have been vindicated by the entire course of history. Indeed, Trotsky’s analysis of the global crisis of the capitalist system retain an extraordinary level of political relevance.

In 1928, exiled to Alma Ata in Kazakhstan, Trotsky wrote a detailed critique of the Draft Program of the Comintern. It was a withering analysis of the theoretical and strategic bankruptcy of the program of socialism in one country. In one of its most critical passages, Trotsky advanced this evaluation of the historical epoch:

In our epoch, which is the epoch of imperialism, i.e., of world economy and world politics under the hegemony of finance capital, not a single communist party can establish its program by proceeding solely or mainly from conditions and tendencies of developments in its own country. This also holds entirely for the party that wields the state power within the boundaries of the USSR. On August 4, 1914, the death knell sounded for national programs for all time. The revolutionary party of the proletariat can base itself only upon an international program corresponding to the character of the present epoch, the epoch of the highest development and collapse of capitalism. An international communist program is in no case the sum total of national programs or an amalgam of their common features. The international program must proceed directly from an analysis of the conditions and tendencies of world economy and of the world political system taken as a whole in all its connections and contradictions, that is, with the mutually antagonistic interdependence of its separate parts. In the present epoch, to a much larger extent than in the past, the national orientation of the proletariat must and can flow only from a world orientation and not vice versa. Herein lies the basic and primary difference between communist internationalism and all varieties of national socialism.

As a result of its nationalist orientation, the draft program drafted by Bukharin, with Stalin’s approval, failed to understand the contradictions of the imperialist world system, and, especially, the explosive implications of the rise of American imperialism. Trotsky insisted that without a precise analysis of the role of the United States, the prospects for world socialist revolution could not be correctly formulated. Trotsky stressed the dominant role of the United States. However, he did not draw from this analysis the conclusion that the United States was invincible. Instead, with astonishing perspicacity, Trotsky wrote that:

it is precisely the international strength of the United States and her irresistible expansion arising from it, that compels her to include the powder magazines of the whole world into the foundations of her structure, i.e., all the antagonisms between the East and the West, the class struggle in Old Europe, the uprisings of the colonial masses, and all wars and revolutions. On the one hand, this transforms North American capitalism into the basic counter-revolutionary force of the modern epoch, constantly more interested in the maintenance of “order” in every corner of the terrestrial globe; and on the other hand, this prepares the ground for a gigantic revolutionary explosion in this already dominant and still expanding world imperialist power.

Trotsky continued:

In the period of crisis the hegemony of the United States will operate more completely, more openly, and more ruthlessly than in the period of boom. The United States will seek to overcome and extricate herself from her difficulties and maladies primarily at the expense of Europe, regardless of whether this occurs in Asia, Canada, South America, Australia, or Europe itself, or whether this takes place peacefully or through war.

These words, written 98 years ago, describe with astonishing exactitude the present policy of the Trump administration. If I may be permitted to quote from an essay that I wrote last week:

Trotsky did not only predict a general tendency toward imperialist conflict. He identified, with extraordinary specificity, the geographic scope of American imperialism’s predatory ambitions and the ruthlessness with which they would be pursued. Nearly a century later, Trump threatens the sovereignty of Canada, threaten to seize control of the Panama Canal, invades Venezuela, demands the cession of Greenland from Denmark and menaces Iran with military destruction.

In 1934, with the rise of German fascism and the approach of a second world war, Trotsky further developed his analysis of US imperialism: “The world is divided? It must be redivided. For Germany it was a question of ‘organizing Europe.’ The United States must ‘organize’ the world. History is bringing humanity face to face with the volcanic eruption of American imperialism.”

That phrase—the volcanic eruption of American imperialism—is not a metaphor that has aged. It is a scientific prognosis that is being fulfilled.

Eighty years after the end of the Second World War, the United States bluntly proclaims that it seeks to reorganize the world under its control on the basis of a reactionary program that Hitler would applaud.

On February 14, Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered a speech at the Munich Security Conference that is an overtly fascist justification of imperialist militarism, national and racial chauvinism, and the repudiation of international law.

That the speech was delivered in Munich imparts to it an irony that its authors were either too ignorant or too cynical to acknowledge. Munich is not only the city where the postwar security conference has been held since 1963. It is the city where Adolf Hitler launched his political career, made his first attempt to overthrow the Weimar Republic in November 1923, where the Nazi Party held its earliest mass rallies, and where, in September 1938, the governments of Britain and France dismembered Czechoslovakia and handed it to Hitler. The British and French ruling classes were prepared to sacrifice an ostensibly democratic republic to a fascist dictator in the hope that the Nazi war machine would continue to focus on the east, toward the Soviet Union, and leave their empires intact. The consequences of this connivance with Hitler are well known: the most catastrophic war in human history, the Holocaust, and the deaths of tens of millions.

Rubio does not mention the crimes of fascism. Rather, for the American secretary of state, the downfall of the Third Reich was a tragic historical turning point:

For five centuries, before the end of the Second World War, the West had been expanding—its missionaries, its pilgrims, its soldiers, its explorers pouring out from its shores to cross oceans, settle new continents, build vast empires extending out across the globe.

But in 1945, for the first time since the age of Columbus, it was contracting. Europe was in ruins. Half of it lived behind an Iron Curtain and the rest looked like it would soon follow. The great Western empires had entered into terminal decline, accelerated by godless communist revolutions, and by anti-colonial uprisings that would transform the world and drape the red hammer and sickle across vast swaths of the map in the years to come.

The scaffolding of Rubio’s speech is the concept of “Western civilization” as a singular, organic entity stretching back millennia. “Thousands of years of Western civilization hung in the balance,” Rubio declares of the Cold War. He invokes “the lessons of over 5,000 years of recorded human history.” He speaks of “the greatest civilization in human history.”

This is not history. It is mythology. The Secretary of State can’t even count. Five thousand years reaches back to Sumer and dynastic Egypt—civilizations that were geographically Middle Eastern and North African and that belong to the heritage of all humanity. The ancient Greeks did not consider themselves “Western.” The concept of “Western Civilization” is a dubious and relatively modern intellectual construct forged largely in the service of European colonial expansion.

After the fall of Rome, most of Greek philosophy was lost to Latin Christendom for centuries. Its recovery depended on Arab and Persian scholars who preserved, translated, and extended Greek thought while Europe remained an intellectual backwater. The mathematical foundations of modern science are no less indebted to the East: algebra originated in ninth-century Baghdad; the decimal numeral system came from India; paper, printing, the compass and gunpowder came from China. None of this is acknowledged in Rubio’s speech. “The West” is presented as a civilizational miracle owing nothing to anyone.

Rubio, who is as ignorant as he is reactionary, is unaware of the fact that the American Revolution was proclaimed by its leaders as a new development in the evolution of humanity, not a continuation of a timeless and eternal civilization, backward traditions and obsolete forms of government. As the revolutionary thinker Tom Paine wrote in his famous pamphlet Common Sense, “We have it in our power to begin the world anew.” 

What Rubio’s speech leaves out is as revealing as what it contains. The words “democracy,” “equality,” and “human rights” do not appear anywhere in the text. Neither does the American Revolution, the French Revolution, the Bill of Rights, or the Emancipation Proclamation.

These omissions are deliberate. The democratic revolutions were founded on universalist principles irreconcilable with the politics Rubio articulates. The Declaration of Independence asserts that “all men are created equal.” The Declaration of the Rights of Man proclaims that “men are born and remain free and equal in rights.” The Bill of Rights protects the individual against the power of the state. The speech cannot mention these documents because their logic leads to conclusions—the equality of all human beings, the universality of rights, the subordination of power to law—that the speech repudiates.

Rubio’s hatred of the Enlightenment replicates that of the Nazis. On April 1, 1933, Goebbels declared: “The year 1789—the beginning of the French Revolution—is hereby erased from history.” 

Rubio’s speech is based on an anti-Enlightenment and fascistic ideology deeply rooted in bourgeois thought. Though undermined and driven into the background by the defeat of the regimes of Hitler and Mussolini in 1945, fascist ideology has resurged since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991.

Rubio’s Munich speech represents the legitimization of fascism. The institutions of liberal modernity—international law, multilateral cooperation, the restraint of state power by legal norms—are obstacles to be swept aside. What must replace them is a hierarchical order rooted in ethnic and racial identity and upheld through authoritarian dictatorship and war. There is nothing in this speech that Goebbels would not have endorsed enthusiastically.

The Secretary of State’s glorification of “Christian civilization” is shot through with deceit and hypocrisy. He fails to mention the Inquisition and its centuries of systematic torture, forced conversion and the burning alive of heretics, Jews and accused witches.

The “vast empires” the speech romanticizes were built on countless atrocities, which included the Atlantic slave trade and the systematic plunder of India by the British East India Company, which transformed one of the world’s wealthiest regions into a colonized hinterland and produced famines that killed tens of millions. King Leopold’s empire in the Belgian Congo was based on the extraction of rubber through forced labor, mutilation, and mass killing that reduced the population by an estimated 10 million. Countless other examples could be given.

A critical clarification must be made here—one that distinguishes the Marxist analysis of these historical crimes from Rubio’s framework and from the liberal critiques that merely invert his civilizational mythology.

The slave trade, the destruction of Indigenous peoples, the plunder of India, the horrors of the Congo—these were not the products of an abstraction called “Western civilization.” They were not the emanations of a cultural essence or a racial inheritance. They were the products of a historically specific mode of production: capitalism, which, as Marx wrote, “comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt.”

The so-called primitive accumulation of capital—the violent expropriation of the peasantry, the slave trade, colonial plunder—was not an incidental feature of capitalist development. It was its precondition. As Marx wrote in Das Kapital:

The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief momenta of primitive accumulation.

Rubio’s speech obscures this sordid history by attributing the power of the capitalist epoch to a timeless “Western civilization”—a mystification that serves several purposes. 

First, it naturalizes capitalist domination by presenting it as the flowering of an eternal racial, ethnic and religious essence. Second, it provides a justification for oppression and the most heinous of crimes. Third, it provides a substitute for a scientific analysis of the socioeconomic foundations of society and, above all, the class struggle. Trotsky’s description of the reactionary and irrational fantasies of the Nazi ideologists can be applied without modification to Rubio’s racial-ethnic-religious theory of history. In his 1934 essay, “What Is National Socialism?” Trotsky wrote:

In order to raise it above history, the nation is given the support of race. History is viewed as the emanation of the race. The qualities of the race are construed without relation to changing social conditions. Rejecting “economic thought” as base, National Socialism descends a stage lower: from economic materialism it appeals to zoologic materialism.

Though Rubio does not recognize the class struggle, he is obsessed by it. Rubio’s narrative of the 20th century is preoccupied with the struggle against Marxism and socialist revolution. This aligns the administration with the most reactionary tradition in American foreign policy. It is the tradition that justified every Cold War atrocity, from the overthrow of Mossadegh in Iran and Arbenz in Guatemala to the Vietnam War and the support of military dictatorships across Latin America, Africa and Asia, as a defense of “Western civilization” against “godless communism.” By invoking this tradition without qualification, the speech signals that the same justification will be used to legitimate whatever military and covert actions the administration undertakes.

The speech’s most ominous passages celebrate the administration’s use of unilateral military force and explicitly dismiss international law. Rubio recites a catalogue of violence with evident pride: the bombing of Iran, the seizure of a head of state in Venezuela. He declares that “those who blatantly and openly threaten our citizens” cannot be allowed to “shield themselves behind abstractions of international law.” He calls for an alliance “that does not allow its power to be outsourced, constrained, or subordinated to systems beyond its control” and “that asks for permission before it acts.”

In another passage, Rubio states: “Armies do not fight for abstractions. Armies fight for a people; armies fight for a nation. Armies fight for a way of life.” Rubio’s statement amounts to the reduction of countries, including the United States, into ethnic and racial tribes. As for his claim that armies “do not fight for abstractions,” how does Rubio explain the revolutionary war of independence waged by the Americans between 1775 and 1783? The population was mobilized on the basis of the “self-evident” and abstract “truths” defined by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence. In 1863, at the battlefield of Gettysburg, Lincoln declared that the Union soldiers had fought and died in defense of the “proposition that all men are created equal.”

A renowned historian and biographer of Lincoln wrote to me earlier this week, in response to Rubio’s speech: “Half a million Union soldiers lost their lives in a civil war that was all about an idea.”

The “truths” invoked by Jefferson and the “proposition” defended by Lincoln were “abstractions” that had a profound historical, social and democratic content, rooted in the materialist philosophy of the Enlightenment, and which prepared the foundations for the revolutionary movements of the late 18th and 19th centuries. 

Rubio, denouncing the “abstractions” of democratic thought, glorifies the irrational abstractions of fascism: “People,” “nation,” and “way of life,” which are of a mystical character and contribute nothing to a scientific understanding of the history and socioeconomic structure of society. The fact that Rubio’s fascistic idiocies received a standing ovation at the conclusion of his address demonstrates that the Trump administration’s repudiation of democratic principles is shared by the European bourgeoisie.

The speech did not fall from the sky. The Trump administration is the product of interrelated economic and social processes: 1) the protracted decline in the global industrial supremacy of the United States. 2) the malignant growth of financialization, which is characterized by the overwhelming dominance of financial markets, instruments and institutions over the real economy, production and labor. Profits are generated not through productive investment, but through speculative activities such as leveraging, asset inflation, credit expansion and mergers. 3) the emergence of a new aristocracy—it can also be described as an oligarchy of mega-millionaires and billionaires—whose fortunes derive not from production, but from the management and manipulation of financial assets. The basis of their wealth is a massive expansion of fictitious capital. 4) The growth of staggering levels of social inequality. In the United States, the wealth of the richest 0.1 percent of the population is five times greater than the total wealth of the bottom 50 percent of the population. 

These objective economic and social conditions underlie the breakdown of bourgeois democracy, the turn to fascism and the eruption of militarism. The domestic and foreign policies of the Trump administration are a manifestation of crisis. It is seeking to reverse the drastic deterioration of its global economic position through war. It is attempting to impose the burdens of the massive national indebtedness—now over $38 trillion—through the intensified exploitation and impoverishment of the working class.

It is instructive to measure the distance the American political order has traveled. Franklin Roosevelt, in his 1941 State of the Union address, defined American war aims in terms of four universal freedoms (i.e., “abstractions”)—freedom of speech, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear—“everywhere in the world.” These were not the privileges of Western civilization or Christian peoples. They were declared the birthright of “every person in the world.” Roosevelt understood that war could only be justified as a struggle against fascism.

Roosevelt could not have delivered Rubio’s speech. He believed that he was compelled to legitimate American power in democratic and universalist terms. That compulsion was maintained, in no small measure, by the pressure exerted by the existence of the Soviet Union and the threat of socialist revolution. Rubio’s speech marks the point at which the ruling class has dispensed with this obligation altogether. The revolutionary democratic tradition is repudiated, and what replaces it is the counterrevolutionary ideology of blood, faith and civilizational destiny against which the democratic revolutions were fought.

The speech’s visceral anti-communism expresses a class hatred that is, if anything, more intense today than during the Cold War, precisely because the crisis of the capitalist system that produced the revolutionary upheavals of the 20th century has returned.

What Rubio, Trump and the European ruling elites assembled at Munich are seeking to resurrect is the world that was shattered on October 25, 1917, when the Russian working class, led by the Bolshevik Party under Lenin and Trotsky, seized state power and established the first workers state in history. The October Revolution was not merely a Russian event. It was a world-historical earthquake. It demonstrated, in practice, that the capitalist system was not eternal, that the ruling class was not invincible, that the working class could take power and begin the construction of a new social order. It set into motion a wave of revolutionary struggles—in Britain, Germany, Hungary, Italy, China and throughout the colonial world. It raised the political consciousness of hundreds of millions who had been told, for centuries, that their subjugation was the natural order of things.

The October Revolution contributed significantly to the victory of the progressive national movement in Turkey over imperialist-backed forces.

Starting in 1920–1921, Soviet Russia provided significant aid to the Ankara government, including gold, arms, and ammunition. This was critically important because the Turkish nationalists were fighting on multiple fronts. Without the critical support of the Soviet government, the independence of the Turkish state would not have been secured.

Of course, this did not prevent Ataturk’s bourgeois nationalist regime from brutally suppressing the communist movement within Turkey.

As a consequence of the October Revolution, the ideological framework within which the imperialist powers had justified their domination—the mythology of civilizational superiority, the divine right of “advanced” nations to rule “backward” peoples—was dealt a blow from which it has never recovered.

This is what Rubio’s speech is attempting to undo. When he mourns the “contraction” of Western civilization after 1945, he is mourning the consequences of October. Rubio demands that the West stop “atoning for the purported sins of past generations,” that they stop apologizing for the gas chambers of Auschwitz and Treblinka.

Rubio is demanding that the ruling class free itself from the moral and political constraints that the threat of socialist revolution imposed upon it. The welfare state, the concessions to democratic rights, the formal commitment to international law—all were, in substantial measure, products of the bourgeoisie’s fear of revolution. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the ruling class concluded this threat had passed and the concessions could be withdrawn. The Munich speech is the ideological expression of that withdrawal, carried to its logical conclusion in the open embrace of imperialist militarism and the repudiation of democratic norms.

The vehemence of the anti-communist rhetoric—in 2026, more than three decades after the dissolution of the USSR—betrays a deep anxiety about the stability of capitalism. Leon Trotsky once wrote that the American bourgeoisie is the most frightened of all ruling classes. What terrifies the ruling class is the prospect that the working class will again find its way to a genuinely Marxist revolutionary program—that the objective crisis of the capitalist system, which is producing levels of inequality, instability and geopolitical conflict not seen since the 1930s, will generate the same revolutionary impulses that produced October.

And no historical figure frightens the imperialists more than Leon Trotsky. His significance extends far beyond 1917, immense as that was. It was Trotsky who, in the theory of permanent revolution, provided the strategic conception that guided October and that retains its validity today: the understanding that in the epoch of imperialism, the democratic tasks in the oppressed countries, and in the most advanced imperialist countries as well, can be completed only through the conquest of power by the working class as part of the world socialist revolution. It was Trotsky who defended the program of international socialism against the Stalinist perversion of “socialism in one country.” And it was Trotsky who, in founding the Fourth International in 1938, established the programmatic continuity of genuine Marxism through the darkest period of the 20th century.

It is well-known that Hitler as well as his imperialist adversaries, including Churchill, would respond with rage to the mere mention of Trotsky’s name. Noting this fact, Trotsky wrote in 1939: “These gentlemen like to give a personal name to the specter of revolution.” The hatred that was directed against him personally, Trotsky explained, reflects their fear “that their barbarism will be conquered by socialist revolution.”

The ruling class has devoted enormous resources to the suppression of Trotsky’s legacy. Stalin’s assassination of Trotsky in 1940 was the culmination of a campaign of political genocide—the Moscow Trials, the extermination of an entire generation of Bolshevik leaders—that served the interests not only of the Soviet bureaucracy but of the world bourgeoisie. The falsification of the history of the Russian Revolution and the suppression of Trotsky’s legacy have been central to the ideological armory of the ruling class. The “death of communism” narrative that followed the Soviet dissolution depended on the identification of socialism with Stalinism—the deliberate conflation of the revolutionary program of October with the bureaucratic counterrevolution that betrayed it.

Rubio’s speech conflates Stalinism with socialism and treats the bureaucratic regimes of the postwar period as though they were the realization, rather than the negation, of the October Revolution’s program.

The identification of Stalinism with socialism by imperialist propagandists is a political necessity. If the distinction between the revolutionary program of Lenin and Trotsky and the bureaucratic tyranny of Stalin is acknowledged, then the collapse of the Soviet Union proves nothing about the viability of socialism. It proves only what Trotsky predicted: that the Stalinist bureaucracy, by strangling workers’ democracy and subordinating the world revolution to its own national interests, would ultimately destroy the workers state and restore capitalism—which is precisely what happened. The “triumph of Western civilization” that Rubio celebrates was the triumph of the Stalinist counterrevolution—the final act in the bureaucracy’s long betrayal of October, carried out with the enthusiastic collaboration of the imperialist powers.

The implications are profound. If the crisis of socialism in the 20th century is understood not as the failure of the revolutionary program but as the consequence of its betrayal, then the program itself—the program of international socialist revolution, of workers power, of the planned reorganization of the world economy on the basis of social need rather than private profit—retains its full historical validity.

The working class must recognize Rubio’s speech for what it is: a celebration of unilateral military violence, the dismissal of international law, the identification of migration as civilizational threat, the mourning of lost empires, the demand for historical innocence, the erasure of the democratic revolutions and the fascist catastrophe from the historical record.

But the ruling class confronts a problem no amount of civilizational mythology can resolve. The objective crisis of the capitalist system—staggering inequality, the eruption of imperialist war, the breakdown of democratic institutions, the destruction of the environment—is driving the working class into struggle. The strike waves sweeping every major capitalist country, the mass protests, the growing radicalization of youth, the collapse of confidence in the established parties—these are the initial expressions of a revolutionary process that arises from the irresolvable contradictions of capitalism itself.

It is in this context that the legacy of October and the theoretical heritage of Leon Trotsky acquire their most immediate contemporary significance. The World Socialist Web Site, published by the International Committee of the Fourth International, has, for more than a quarter century, provided the consistent Marxist analysis of the crisis of world capitalism and the political orientation for the struggles of the working class. It has insisted, against every form of demoralization and revisionism, on the central lesson of the 20th century: that the crisis of the working class is a crisis of revolutionary leadership, and that its resolution requires the building of a mass revolutionary party of the international working class, guided by the program of permanent revolution and organized for the conquest of political power.

Rubio’s Munich speech is the voice of a doomed social order. The “Western civilization” it celebrates is not a timeless essence but capitalist imperialism—a system that has exhausted its progressive potential and now threatens humanity with barbarism. The alternative is not a reformed capitalism, nor a more enlightened imperialism. The alternative is socialism—the reorganization of economic life on the basis of social ownership, democratic planning and international cooperation, carried out by the only class with both the interest and the power to accomplish it.

The imperialists are right to be afraid. The specter of October has not been laid to rest because the contradictions that produced it have intensified. The international working class is larger, more interconnected and more powerful today than at any point in history. What it lacks is the conscious political leadership that can transform the growing resistance of working people into a unified movement for socialist transformation. The building of that leadership—the construction of sections of the International Committee of the Fourth International in every country—is the decisive political task of our epoch.

Permit me to conclude this lecture by citing words written by Trotsky in 1930 on the island of Büyükada:

The completion of the socialist revolution within national limits is unthinkable. One of the basic reasons for the crisis in bourgeois society is the fact that the productive forces created by it can no longer be reconciled with the framework of the nation state. From this follows on the one hand, imperialist wars, on the other, the utopia of the bourgeois United States of Europe. The socialist revolution begins on the national arena, it unfolds on the international arena, and is completed on the world arena. Thus, the socialist revolution becomes a permanent revolution in a newer and broader sense of the word; it attains completion only in the final victory of the new society on our entire planet.

It is the responsibility and privilege of your generation to fight for and achieve “the final victory” of socialism envisioned by Leon Trotsky.