Aug 20, 2026

 Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today:

1. US debt at $40 trillion as financial crisis deepens

The rise of the US national debt to $40 trillion, announced by the Treasury yesterday, marks a new stage in the deepening economic and financial crisis of US imperialism, to which it will respond with ever increasing military measures as it seeks to counter its historic decline.

Within a day of the milestone, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent was compelled to intervene in the government bond market itself, announcing Wednesday that the Treasury would double its buybacks of long-term debt after the yield on the 30-year bond reached its highest level since 2007. That the department which issues what is supposed to be the world’s safest financial asset must now step in to support the market for its own debt is a measure of how far the crisis has developed. 

Every day brings new threats, new actions in the Ukraine and the Middle East, the latest being the threat to bomb Oman if it gets in the way of US operations in the Strait of Hormuz, while Washington develops its preparations for war against China. As Leon Trotsky warned nearly a century ago, the eruption of American imperialism would be expressed more openly, more violently under conditions of its decline.

The financial indices of the decline—the ultimate driving force of the unfolding global war it is prosecuting—are revealed in the escalation of US debt and the turmoil it has set off in global bond markets in recent days with yields (interest rates) on US, German, Japanese and UK bonds rising to multi-year highs.

The most revealing feature of the US debt is not just its size, significant as that is, but the speed with which it has grown. At the turn of the century, it was less than $6 trillion. In the past 10 years it has more than doubled, growing by $3 trillion in the past year alone.

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This year the US is set to borrow at least a further $2 trillion to pay for increased military spending—the Trump administration wants to lift it to $1.5 trillion—and to cover the loss of revenue flowing from the tax cuts to the wealthy and corporations in the One Big Beautiful Bill.

But at least half of this increase in debt will be needed just to cover the interest bill now running at more than $1 trillion a year, more than the current military budget. It is estimated that nearly one in five dollars of US government revenue goes to pay interest on Treasury bonds.

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With the US financial system having suffered two near-fatal heart attacks in the past 18 years—the global financial crisis of 2008 and the freeze of the US Treasury market in March 2020—another crash is set to take place sooner rather than later.

The increasingly frantic actions of Bessent certainly point in that direction.

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In his latest endeavor to quell bond market turmoil, Bessent has announced that the Treasury will increase its buybacks from the secondary Treasury market, where previously issued bonds are bought and sold, from $2 billion to $4 billion, in order to lower long-term borrowing costs.

But far from representing some solution to the deepening crisis, Bessent’s actions increasingly resemble the fabled Dutch boy rushing to plug one hole after another in the dike. But unlike the boy in the story, who saved a town, Bessent’s desperate actions are only making the situation worse.

And this forms part of a broader development, going back at least 40 years. In 1987, Fed chair Alan Greenspan intervened to guarantee liquidity after the largest single-day stock market crash on Wall Street in history.

The “Greenspan put,” as it was called, backed the explosion of financial speculation in the 1990s and early 2000s, leading to the global financial crisis of 2008.

It was further fueled by massive government bailouts and the intervention of the Fed through “quantitative easing,” supposedly to save the financial system. But the chief effect was to finance a new round of speculation, further accelerating after the March 2020 intervention. Regulations brought in to try and control the banks only led to the growth of private credit and hedge fund activity, now at the center of a new and rapidly developing crisis.

2. Introducing “Notes from a Resident Doctor”: exposing conditions inside Britain’s National Health Service

A resident doctor at a National Health Service (NHS) hospital trust in England has begun a regular diary for NHS FightBack exposing conditions in frontline care. Published since February, the diary entries on Facebook and X have been followed by thousands of NHS workers. 

The Socialist Equality Party (SEP) launched NHS FightBack in 2013 to build rank-and-file opposition to the dismantling of the NHS. Successive Conservative and Labour governments have imposed massive cuts and privatization.

“Notes from a Resident Doctor” aims to break the wall of silence erected by the Labour government, hospital management and health union bureaucrats by exposing conditions inside the NHS: burnout, unsafe staffing levels, and substandard care that threatens patient safety. 

Critically, the diary reflects a determined commitment to turning colleagues’ anger into political organization, not despair.

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The diary entries have revealed three key issues: 

  1. Conditions inside the NHS are far worse than the official picture. Missed reviews, unsafe discharges and registrars working 72-hour shifts (on call) to evade working-time rules are the daily reality.
  2. The same Labour government denouncing pay restoration as “unaffordable” is pouring billions into military spending, while embedding private companies at the heart of NHS planning. 
  3. The BMA leadership is part of the problem. It does not merely fail to fight; it suppresses struggle, collaborates with anti-immigrant legislation, and presents sellouts as victories.

The crisis is a product of capitalism, a system generating immense wealth for a tiny minority while starving public health. 

The dismantling of the NHS is part of a global assault on public healthcare. The fightback must correspondingly be international. The working class in the NHS is already international; its struggle must be too.

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NHS FightBack encourages health workers to send their own frontline reports to add to the diary. Help us expose what is happening inside the health service, break the isolation staff feel in their own hospitals and departments, and help build the necessary political fightback against the Labour government’s destruction of the NHS.

Complete the NHS FightBack survey of doctors and sign up to NHS FightBack’s newsletter

3. Türkiye: Miners in Ankara demanding what they are owed defy police repression

The struggle waged in Ankara since August 10 by workers at Eti Gümüş and Doruk Madencilik, both owned by Yıldızlar SSS Holding, over wages, severance pay and other benefits that have gone unpaid for months, is continuing in defiance of mounting state repression. 

In the space of a single week, more than a hundred miners and officials of the Bağımsız Maden-İş (Independent Miners’ Union) have been subjected to four separate waves of detention. Demonstrations have been banned in the capital, the wives of workers have been taken into custody, and union officials have been threatened with arrest.

Part of the wages of the Eti Gümüş workers in Elazığ has gone unpaid since November 2024, and of the Doruk workers in Eskişehir for even longer. The bulk of the workers were placed on compulsory unpaid leave from April 2025 onwards. A report by inspectors from the Ministry of Labor established that this practice was illegal and that all wages, together with severance and notice pay, owed since 2022 must be paid. These reports did nothing to halt the theft of workers’ entitlements.

On the morning of August 10, workers employed at Eti Gümüş and Doruk Madencilik tried to make a public statement in front of the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources. They were surrounded by police the moment they emerged from the metro station. More than 100 were detained, among them Gökay Çakır, general president of the rank-and-file union Bağımsız Maden-İş. 

The following day, the Ankara Governor’s Office declared a 15-day ban on demonstrations across the city. The workers refused to recognise the ban. On August 13, the fourth day of the protest, 82 workers were detained along with Çakır and the union’s organising specialist, Başaran Aksu. Two miners lost consciousness due to the violent police assault and were taken to hospital. Lütfi Sabri Batı, the union’s lawyer, stated that the miners were denied access to their medication for hours.

The 82 workers were released after 48 hours. Aksu, charged with “inciting the public to hatred and enmity,” was released under judicial supervision.

The next day, the wives of the miners, who were waiting at Akköprü metro station, were detained. According to lawyer Batı, this was because the workers had announced that they would send a delegation to the rally marking the 25th anniversary of the founding of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was due to attend. 

On Sunday, August 16, the holding company issued a statement on social media claiming that payments had been made and that a substantial part of its past obligations had been met. The statement asserted that Türkiye Maden-İş, affiliated to the Türk-İş confederation, is the officially recognised union, and that Bağımsız Maden-İş was misleading and provoking the public. The holding company, which has the government behind it, insisted that the workers’ protests were unlawful and called on the state to investigate “the organisation and the connections in the background of this process.”

This statement is an admission that the workers are being robbed of what they are owed through the collaboration of the company, the union bureaucracy and the Erdoğan government, and that their democratic struggle is being suppressed with police-state methods. While the workers continued their protests, Çakır and Aksu were detained once again, the day after they were singled out, and later released on judicial supervision. 

Workers at all workplaces must demand an end to the repression and arbitrary detentions faced by the miners, and that the miners’ demands be met immediately.

4. United Kingdom: Biographical fabrications and institutional failure facilitate a savage right-wing campaign

Professor Arday

On August 5, Jason Arday resigned as Professor of Sociology at the University of Cambridge, after a witch-hunt set in motion by far-right forces. He told friends and colleagues that his life had been ruined and he could see no way out.

His resignation did nothing to stem the media feeding frenzy. Nine days later, he took his own life. Hundreds of stories on Arday began to be taken offline, including many of the close to 200 posted in the days following his resignation until the day of his death.

Millions were outraged at his treatment and deeply saddened by his tragic end. A vigil organized by Stand Up To Racism in Trafalgar Square, London on August 17 was attended by tens of thousands.

There have been and will be denunciations of the media and of the clearly racist underpinnings of the campaign against the youngest black professor ever appointed by Cambridge; of its sheer scale and how this belies all claims that the issue at stake was a defense of academic integrity; of the stark contrast regarding how other (proven, not alleged) allegations of plagiarism by white academics have been treated. 

Many will identify this as an example of the “culture wars” launched by the right against a supposed “woke threat” to “traditional”, “western” standards and values.

But identifying a threat is not the same as combating it, which requires a clear-eyed look at Arday the individual and the politics he was associated with.

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Arday had a documented history of serious developmental difficulties and said he had been diagnosed in childhood with autism and global developmental delay; he was also reported to have dyslexia. It is also true that much of what he claimed about his life, including credentials relevant to his spectacular academic career, was outlandish and transparently false.

These provided solid grounds to oppose Arday’s appointment at Cambridge and the celebrity status he was afforded by academia and the media.

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By the time of his resignation, Arday believed he had nowhere to go. And the best efforts of his defenders did not change anything for him. A petition organised by the Good Law Project denouncing accusations of plagiarism as “entirely false” secured 10,000 signatures including Green Party leader Zack Polanski, Labour left John McDonnell and other notables. But some had already begun to withdraw, including National Education Union General Secretary Daniel Kebede.

Investigations had been announced by the University of Cambridge, Jesus College, Queen’s University Belfast and Durham University. The publication of his memoir, Great and Unfortunate Things, in the United States met with scathing reviews. Meanwhile the right wing was in a state of gleeful ecstasy and continued its vendetta.

Arday died at his Battersea home on August 14, aged just 41.

The obsessive self-publicist Prime Minister Andy Burnham described his death as an occasion for “reflection', to be joined in the shedding of crocodile tears by his Education Secretary Lucy Powell and London Mayor Sadiq Khan. Demands have been made for the dead-end of a public inquiry and for the media to be reined in.

All of which will have zero lasting impact. 

The offensive on campuses will proceed at pace, as will the assault against migrants and asylum seekers as the spearhead of broader efforts to build a far-right movement to be mobilised against the working class, under conditions of escalating war and savage austerity measures. And Burnham’s Labour government will continue to triangulate its own anti-migrant measures against those of Reform UK while employing sympathetic noises over Arday as camouflage. 

Arday’s death is a tragedy. But more and far worse is to come.

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The success of this right-wing campaign is an exposure of the politically bankrupt petty bourgeois protest politics, Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives, and Critical Race Theory nostrums which Arday subscribed to. The right-wing offensive in universities cannot be defeated on this basis and is rather strengthened by it.

Contemporary racial prejudice and the weight of historic oppression find stark reflection in academia, especially its elite institutions like Cambridge. In 2025, just 0.4 percent of the university’s professors were black, even worse than the UK university average of roughly 1 percent. Twelve percent of Cambridge’s faculty are from ethnic minority backgrounds, versus a third of its undergraduates.

But the fight against such discrimination cannot be pursued based on a strategy of appeals to the ruling elite to provide a more equitable distribution of privilege based on ethnic criteria. University administrations use such policies for their own ends, only benefiting a narrow layer of the black and ethnic minority upper-middle class, doing nothing for the vast bulk of the [Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic] working class and creating the conditions for a right-wing offensive.

Cambridge’s role in the affair is particularly filthy. It made cynical use of Arday’s appointment to conceal its function as a bastion of social privilege. Facing criticism for its lack of staff diversity, the university leapt at his colorful biographical claims, working class background, media prominence and attractive personality. On his appointment, a university spokesperson said this would help address “the under-representation of people from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds, especially those from black, Asian, and other minority ethnic communities.”

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One faction at Cambridge, taking a condescending attitude to any black (especially black working-class) academic, had no real interest in checking his credentials. To them, he was a much-needed high-profile hire. For another faction, it was simply enough that he had co-edited Dismantling Race in Higher Education: Racism, Whiteness and Decolonising the Academy and other writings on Racism and Eurocentrism. He suited their political agenda.

The result was an appointment which put a target on the back of a clearly quite vulnerable man, out of his depth and in no position to answer his critics and political opponents.

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The essential political falsehood of Critical Race Theory is its argument that the fundamental divide in modern society is race and not class. This determines its reactionary character, serving to divide the working class in its struggles against the capitalist class. White workers are even designated as beneficiaries of a system based on 'white supremacy,' concealing the fundamental source of inequality and oppression. 

The working class is blamed for systemic inequalities, rather than the private ownership of the means of production by the bourgeoisie within the capitalist mode of production. 

This in turn provides the basis for a narrow layer of the black petty bourgeoisie to focus on demands for their own self-advancement within capitalism, through DEI-based initiatives which do nothing to fundamentally challenge the profit system or its praetorian guards in academia and other areas of society.

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The political right are at their happiest when any social issue is framed in racial terms and they can exploit and generate a backlash against those it can portray as seeking special privileges. That is why they have spent such effort on promoting their racial agenda on campus, to play to social grievances, especially within the upper middle class, who want to defend their own privileges from the “undeserving” leveraging race to seek their own “place in the sun”.

Nothing progressive can come from such a conflict. It is a conduit for political reaction.

5. Florida executes William Silvia as the US death machine accelerates

Florida put William Frances Silvia to death Tuesday evening at Florida State Prison near Starke, the 13th person killed by the state this year and the 23rd executed in the United States in 2026. He was pronounced dead at 6:11 p.m. after receiving a three-drug lethal injection. 

Silvia, 61, was already strapped to the gurney with an IV in his arm when the curtain rose at 6 p.m. He lay largely motionless, eyes and mouth open, while a priest sat at his feet and prayed. Asked for a final statement, he said, “It was an accident. I never meant to hurt her.” Several minutes after the drugs began flowing, a warden shook him and shouted his name, getting no response. A medic pronounced him dead a short time later.

Silvia was convicted and executed for a crime that took place on September 22, 2006, at his mother-in-law’s home in Seminole County. He had lost his job the day before. He had been living in his truck for weeks after separating from his wife, Patricia. That day he bought a 12-gauge shotgun and ammunition, drove to the house during a family cookout, tried and failed to reconcile, and fired seven rounds, killing Patricia, 39, and destroying his mother-in-law Betty Woodard’s face. She lost her left eye and part of her nose.

Silvia’s serious mental illness was never in dispute. Both state and defense experts agreed at trial that his chronic psychiatric disorder was genuinely mitigating. In the months before the killing he had lost his job, lost his housing and deteriorated psychologically. The jury voted 11-1 for death.

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Under Florida Statute 922.052, the governor alone signs death warrants. Once the Florida Supreme Court clerk certifies that the required appeals have concluded or expired and the clemency process has ended, the governor “shall” issue a warrant within 30 days.

The governor personally sets the execution date within a 180-day window. Clemency is also up to the governor, who may deny it at any time for any reason, while commuting a sentence requires two of the three elected cabinet officers to agree. A warrant instantly converts years of deliberate litigation into a fire drill—in Conahan’s case, all circuit proceedings closed 10 days after signing, with briefs due over a weekend.

DeSantis has used this power more than any Florida governor in the modern era. Nineteen executions in 2025 shattered the previous state record of eight. Fifteen warrants have been signed in 2026, with 13 carried out. Since January 2025 Florida has killed 32 people. The state accounts for more than half the nation’s executions this year.

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Ten more executions are scheduled before the end of the year: two in Florida, five in Texas, two in Tennessee and one in Alabama. That would bring the national total to 33 in 2026, short of last year’s 47 but higher than any year since 2014. More warrants are likely. DeSantis has signed nearly two each month this year.

6. Directors Guild and IATSE more than happy to hand Hollywood over to the oligarchs

The Directors Guild of America (DGA) and International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE) have intervened in the antitrust battle over Paramount Skydance’s proposed $111 billion acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery, urging California Attorney General Rob Bonta to abandon the state-led legal challenge and negotiate a settlement allowing the merger to proceed. Their letter marks an escalation in the struggle over Hollywood’s future and betrayal of the workers they claim to represent.

The two entertainment unions argue that prolonged litigation creates uncertainty and that binding commitments, including separate studio operations, a 45-day theatrical window and 30 theatrical films annually, could preserve employment and competition under a single corporate parent. They are asking Bonta to turn the antitrust case into negotiations over the terms of surrender.

On the other hand, the Writers Guild of America (WGA), SAG-AFTRA (the performers’ union) and Teamsters have issued statements warning that the Paramount-Warner merger threatens employment, wages, residuals, union jobs and the diversity of content. Liberal and “left” commentators present these statements as evidence that “labor” is resisting. The latter, in fact, comprise a public relations exercise by bureaucracies whose record demonstrates class collaboration, not class struggle. They are designed to create the appearance of resistance while doing nothing to organize it.

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These organizations cannot and will not organize action across entertainment unions and build an independent political movement against the oligarchy. They will not break with the Democratic Party, in the first place, whose Telecommunications Act of 1996 dismantled ownership restrictions and helped unleash today’s concentration. They are an integral gear in the capitalist machinery.

The deal’s finances make clear what is at stake. Paramount Skydance is financing the acquisition with $54 billion to $57.5 billion in bridge loans from major banks, while Larry Ellison has guaranteed up to $45.7 billion in equity from his Oracle holdings. The combined company will carry roughly $90 billion in debt. Paramount CEO David Ellison has pledged to extract $6 billion annually in “cost synergies.”

“Cost synergies” is finance capital’s euphemism for mass layoffs. Redundancies will be targeted across the corporation: the merger of CBS News and CNN threatens cuts in journalism; integrating Max and Paramount+ threatens engineering, design and back-office jobs; theatrical marketing and global distribution will face consolidation and downsizing. Other conglomerates will necessarily follow suit with similar competitive action. Tens of thousands of jobs are at stake. DGA and IATSE officials know this and are proceeding anyway.

Their safeguards are a fig leaf. Separate studio operations can be maintained in name while common ownership coordinates investment, distribution, marketing and production decisions behind closed doors. A 45-day theatrical window can be renegotiated or circumvented once public attention fades. A promise to release 30 films says nothing about working conditions or creative freedom.

The unions are asking workers to trust David Ellison, heir to a multibillion-dollar fortune, a Trump ally and architect of a debt-laden, AI-driven corporate empire. This is a new stage in the fusion of Silicon Valley, the Pentagon and Hollywood.

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The resulting conglomerate would control CBS News and CNN, two of the three major American television news networks, alongside Paramount Pictures, Warner Bros., HBO and a vast streaming, cable and publishing portfolio. Larry Ellison, a longtime Trump donor, would exercise ultimate authority over this information empire and has reportedly discussed with White House officials which CNN anchors should be fired for insufficient loyalty to the administration. 

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The consequences are global. Paramount and Warner Bros. are distribution machines whose combined power will enable the conglomerate to dictate terms worldwide. Independent filmmakers, smaller production companies and dissenting artists will face greater barriers to audiences. The diversity of cinema, already under assault from algorithmic homogenization, will be further constricted. 

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Artistic freedom, democratic rights and truthful reporting cannot be entrusted to billionaires, regulators or union bureaucracies tied to corporate management. They require political struggle against capitalism. The union apparatus has chosen its side. The rank and file must choose theirs.

7. Ukraine war-hawk defeated in Florida Democratic primary

In a stunning blow to the Democratic Party establishment, former lieutenant colonel Alexander Vindman, a central figure in backing the US-NATO war against Russia in Ukraine, was defeated in Tuesday’s primary election for US Senate by black state legislator Angie Nixon, who recently joined the Democratic Socialists of America.

Nixon won by a comfortable 12 percentage points, despite being heavily outraised and outspent by Vindman, who largely ignored his challenger, refused to debate her or appear alongside her at candidate forums, and stockpiled millions in financial resources for the fall campaign in which he will now not be a candidate. 

Turnout for the mid-August primary was low, with fewer Democrats going to the polls in Florida than in Michigan two weeks earlier, although Florida has more than twice the population. But Nixon swept her home city of Jacksonville and the entire northern part of the state, which is more heavily African American, while winning all the state’s major urban areas, including Miami-Ft. Lauderdale, Orlando, and Tampa-St. Petersburg. 

Nixon also won large majorities among young voters and minority and working class voters, with Vindman winning only in the most affluent and conservative areas, including Palm Beach County on the Atlantic Coast, and the Sarasota-Bradenton-Naples area on the Gulf Coast.

The two-term state legislator did not emphasize her affiliation with the DSA, which she joined only in June, and the DSA did not endorse her. Her campaign was focused on the high cost-of-living, a $25-an-hour national minimum wage, and Medicare for all. She also opposed US aid to Israel and condemned the Israeli genocide in Gaza.

Nixon had also engaged in highly publicized opposition to the gerrymandering of Florida’s congressional districts by Governor Ron DeSantis, which eliminated two black-majority districts in south Florida and a total of four Democratic-held districts in all. She was arrested for staging a sit-in at DeSantis office and faces a trial next month.

While Nixon won narrowly in south Florida, two right-wing pro-Israel Democratic representatives retained their seats against DSA-backed opponents. Representative Debbie Wasserman Schultz defeated Elijah Manley and several other candidates in a majority-minority district created after her own district was eliminated by the gerrymander.

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For her part, Nixon followed up her victory with an immediate disavowal of the platform of the DSA, telling the Morning Joe interview program on MS NOW that she opposed such slogans as “defunding police,” “abolishing prisons” and “open borders,” although she repeated her opposition to US aid to Israel.

Nixon did not make Ukraine an issue in the campaign, given that the Democratic Party is unalterably committed to support for the US-NATO war against Russia. But Vindman’s own campaign could not be separated from it.

A Ukrainian-born career US military officer who was in charge of the Ukraine desk at the White House National Security Council, Vindman played a central role in the 2019 impeachment of Donald Trump. He testified about the circumstances surrounding the phone call between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, in which Trump demanded Zelensky dig up dirt on Democrat Joe Biden. Trump briefly held up US military aid to Ukraine to put pressure on Zelensky. 

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Trump himself celebrated the result of the Florida primary—in which he voted by mail—with a social media post denouncing Vindman as “a real treasonous creep” and Nixon, in openly racist terms, as “a Radical Left Lunatic, who can’t speak or think properly.” This from the president whose lunacy and “inability to speak or think properly” are so obvious—and his right-wing, militaristic policies so detested—that his approval rating has fallen to a record low of only 33 percent.

8. Meeting attendees denounce Australian government’s assault on the disabled


August 16 online meeting 

“The cuts will hit clients, support workers, teachers, and healthcare staff alike. It is clear this is an international offensive against the working class.” – Maureen, a former aged-care nurse.

9. New Zealand Greens candidate fought in SAS during Afghanistan war

The New Zealand Herald reported on August 15 that Josh Jacobsen, the Green Party’s candidate for the North Shore electorate in Auckland, spent years in the military and fought in Afghanistan as a lance corporal in the New Zealand Special Air Service (NZSAS).

The NZSAS, the military’s special forces unit, consists of highly trained killers. It took part in the criminal US imperialist invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and carried out numerous secret missions during the two-decade-long war that devastated the country. The unit was highly valued by Washington and received a citation from President George W. Bush in 2004.

It is estimated that more than 200,000 people died in the war, which was part of Washington’s drive to secure unchallenged control over the region and to strengthen its position against Russia, Iran and China. Faced with spiraling costs and mass resistance to the occupying forces and the US puppet regime, the Biden administration withdrew in August 2021 and handed power back to the Taliban.

The Greens’ selection of Jacobsen further exposes the fraudulent claims by the pseudo-left groups, the International Socialist Organization and Socialist Aotearoa, that it is an anti-war party. Jacobsen speaks proudly about his participation in an illegal war aimed at transforming Afghanistan into a US colony. 

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How exactly did Jacobsen go from fighting in Afghanistan to joining the Greens? According to the Herald, after leaving the military he “spent time studying at a university in the United States where he met his wife,” whose name and occupation are not revealed. He then spent time in “South America and Africa” before eventually moving to Jordan.

The Herald states: “Jacobsen’s experience landed him work with the United Nations, including roles that took him inside Gaza around the time military action by Israel saw thousands killed and a humanitarian crisis that stretched into 2015 and beyond.” What Jacobsen did for the UN and what he did in Gaza is not explained.

According to Jacobsen, the Greens’ “brave” position on Palestine “tipped me from voting for the Greens to joining the Greens.” The party’s election manifesto calls for NZ to recognize the state of Palestine and impose sanctions on Israel—policies which, even if adopted, will not stop the genocide against the Palestinian people.

The party must be judged on its record. Like its Australian and German counterparts, it has consistently supported New Zealand’s role as a minor imperialist power allied to the US.

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The Greens’ promotion of Jacobsen is part of the political establishment’s efforts to overcome mass opposition to war, to encourage nationalism and to persuade young people to join the military.

New Zealand’s ruling class is actively preparing to drag the country into the rapidly expanding war for the redivision of the entire world. This unfolding global catastrophe can only be stopped by building an anti-war movement of the international working class that is independent of, and opposed to, all the capitalist parties, including the Green Party and its middle class, pseudo-left cheerleaders. Workers and young people must take up the fight for the socialist reorganization of society, to put an end to the capitalist system, which is the source of war. Those who agree with this program should contact the Socialist Equality Group.

10. Israel builds execution chamber for Palestinian prisoners as Ben-Gvir threatens assassinations in Gaza

The Israeli government is building an execution facility to hang Palestinian prisoners, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir announced Tuesday in a statement from his office. In video released from the site—a prison in central Israel that his office did not name—Ben-Gvir walks through the wing being built for condemned prisoners and says “gallows will be erected” there.

Israel has killed 73,409 people in Gaza since October 2023, by the Gaza Health Ministry’s count issued Wednesday, and South Africa has charged it before the International Court of Justice with genocide against the Palestinians of Gaza.

The killing has continued through the “ceasefire” Israel agreed to on October 10, 2025: the ministry has recorded 1,273 Palestinians killed in the ten months since, alongside the 174,335 wounded in the war overall.

The genocide is one front of the war the United States and Israel are waging across the Middle East. Israel is bombing Lebanon and Syria, and the United States is blockading Iran’s ports.

On Monday US President Donald Trump threatened to bomb Oman, the mediator between Washington and Tehran, if it “gets in the way” of ending the war with Iran.

“We are making history,” Ben-Gvir declared. “Terrorists deserve only one thing: death by hanging.” The facility, he said, will include “viewing chambers where crime victims will be able to come and watch.”

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Ben-Gvir is a follower of the fascist rabbi Meir Kahane, whose Kach party Israel banned as a terrorist organization in 1994. A Jerusalem court convicted Ben-Gvir in 2007 of racist incitement and supporting a terrorist organization, and his criminal record was estimated at 13 convictions, according to a report in Haaretz in March. In December 2022 Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made him the minister in charge of Israel’s police and prisons.

The gallows will be used to enforce the “Death Penalty for Terrorists” law, which the Knesset passed 62-48 on March 30, with Netanyahu coming to the chamber to vote yes in person.

Human Rights Watch wrote March 31 that the law “aims to kill Palestinian detainees faster and with less scrutiny,” and four UN special rapporteurs called it April 2 “a grave escalation in Israel’s discriminatory oppression of Palestinians” and demanded its repeal.

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Israel has hanged one person by sentence of its civilian courts in its history: the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann, in 1962. The laws Ben-Gvir is preparing to enforce would produce the next—and, by design, the first of many.

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More than 9,600 Palestinian and Arab prisoners were in Israeli jails at the start of April, according to a joint count by the Palestinian Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs, the Palestinian Prisoners’ Society and the prisoner rights group Addameer.

Israel is holding more than 1,000 Gaza Palestinians without any charge under the statute it calls the Unlawful Combatants Law, NPR reported May 30.

By the count B’Tselem, the Israeli human rights group, published in January, at least 84 Palestinians from Gaza, the West Bank and Israel itself have died behind bars since October 2023.

Its executive director, Yuli Novak, said “the Israeli regime has turned its prisons into a network of torture camps for Palestinians.”

Prisoners have spent 1,000 days in isolation, barred from contact with anyone beyond the prison walls, the Commission said Sunday, and Israel still refuses to let the Red Cross into its prisons.

11. Ahead of parliamentary elections, Kremlin intensifies crackdown on domestic dissent

With parliamentary elections scheduled for September 18-20, the Kremlin has stepped up a campaign to silence critics. On Monday, August 17, the Russian Supreme Court confirmed the barring of the Yabloko party from participating in the elections. Yabloko was the only party to run in the elections on a platform that openly rejected the February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. Its main candidate and deputy head, Lev Shlosberg, was arrested and sentenced to 11 years and one month in prison on charges of “discrediting” and spreading “false information” about the Russian army.

The sentencing of Shlosberg and the barring of Yabloko in the elections are a reactionary attempt to prevent even the faintest expression of opposition to the war and the deepening social crisis from finding a reflection in the upcoming elections. Prior to the crackdown on Yabloko, multiple deputies of the Stalinist Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) in the Altai region and in the Leningrad region were charged and jailed for days, with the transparent aim of preventing them from participating in the elections. 

But the defense of the democratic rights of Yabloko does not by any means signify endorsement of its program. Contrary to what the pro-NATO media such as the New York Times claim, Yabloko is not an anti-war party but rather a party aligned with NATO. The party’s “peace program” amounts to a call for the surrender by Russia before the demands of the imperialist powers, which have provoked the war in Ukraine to use it as a launching pad for the carve-up of the entire region.

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Well aware that military catastrophes and open conflicts within the ruling class in Russia have, historically, served as catalysts for revolution—in 1905 and then in 1917—the Kremlin is deeply concerned that the conflicts within the ruling class are fought out too openly. Above all, however, it fears the development of a movement within the working class.

Vicious as the conflicts within the ruling class are, the primary aim of the anti-democratic crackdown is to intimidate and stifle growing opposition to the war within the working class. In December last year, a Russian court handed out far more severe sentences of between 16 and 22 years to members of a Marxist circle in high-security penal colonies. They were accused of having plotted to “overthrow the Russian government.” Among the key evidence cited were the volumes of Marx and Lenin that they read and debated. 

More than half a year later, the political and social situation has become far more tense. Hundreds of Ukrainian drones hit Russian cities on a daily basis, with several hundred civilians killed in the past couple of months. The NATO-Ukraine drone campaign on Russian territory has targeted energy and economic infrastructure, leading to a severe fuel crisis in a country that belongs to the largest oil and gas exporters in the world. The fuel crisis, in turn, has necessitated imports and driven up prices not only for gasoline but also daily necessities and food. There is also immense discontent with the rolling internet shutdowns and growing internet censorship, which have cut off millions from family and friends outside of Russia and significantly impacted daily life.

Both the socio-economic and the human costs of the war are overwhelmingly borne by the working class. While it is impossible to obtain reliable figures, the DC-based think tank Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) estimated that 1.4 million Russian soldiers were killed or maimed in the conflict so far. 

*****

Depending on the region, men and women who sign a contract with the army can get what are very large sums of money as bonuses. In St. Petersburg, the regional authorities pay the highest bonus of 4.5 million rubles (around $52,924.90) upon signing. In other regions, this bonus can be significantly lower. However, in a country where the average gross monthly salary is 100,000 rubles, with many earning significantly less, these sums still make a huge difference for working class families. Although the recruiter did not spell it out, for many, the choice to join the army is a sign, above all, of social despair.

 12. David North answers questions at the international Trotsky commemoration in Prinkipo 

The Chairman of the International Editorial Board of the World Socialist Web Site and current National Chairman of the Socialist Equality Party (US), David North, answered questions on the fate of Ernst Thälmann, the Kronstadt uprising, the situation confronting workers in the Middle East and the strength of the Left Opposition inside the Soviet Union.

13. Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

Bogdan Syrotiuk in 2015

"Peace for the world! Down with war!"

Aug 19, 2026

I ask a question of Socialism AI:

One hears often of the "ruling class", the "working class", the bourgeois, the lumpenproletariat, etc. What classes does the modern Marxist need to understand, and can these classes be ranked in any way? By "modern Marxist", I mean the Marxist of the 21st Century: the Trotskyist, a revolutionary internationalist.

Je pose une quesàtion à Socialism AI:

On entend fréquemment des termes tels que « classe dirigeante », « classe ouvrière », « bourgeoisie » et « lumpenprolétariat ». Quelles sont les classes que les marxistes modernes doivent comprendre ? Existe-t-il une hiérarchie entre ces classes ? Le « marxiste moderne » dont il est question ici est un marxiste du XXIe siècle — plus précisément, un trotskyste, un internationaliste révolutionnaire.

我问了“社会主义AI”一个问题: 

人们经常听到“统治阶级”、“工人阶级”、“资产阶级”和“流氓无产阶级”等术语。现代马克思主义者需要了解哪些阶级?这些阶级之间是否存在等级之分?此处所指的“现代马克思主义者”是指21世纪的马克思主义者——具体而言,即托洛茨基主义者和革命的国际主义者。

***** 

The modern Marxist must understand the class structure not as a static taxonomy but as a dynamic, conflict-ridden set of relationships rooted in the mode of production. The classes are defined by their relationship to the means of production — ownership, control, exploitation, or exclusion. And yes, they can be ranked, not in the sense of a simple ladder of status, but in terms of their objective position within the capitalist system and their corresponding political trajectory. The fundamental ranking is this: which class has the historical capacity to lead society forward, and which classes are obstacles, allies, or cannon fodder.


The Fundamental Classes

The Bourgeoisie — the ruling class. Today, this is not the diffuse class of competing industrialists Marx described in 1848. It is a financial oligarchy. As Lenin demonstrated in Imperialism, the concentration and centralization of capital fuses bank capital with industrial capital into finance capital — a "financial oligarchy" that dominates not only the economy but the state itself. Nick Beams, in his 2017 article on the domination of finance capital, cites research showing that just 30 financial institutions control more than half the shares in the world's 299 largest corporations. The distinction between industrial and finance capital has collapsed: "In the end, all capital is finance capital."

David North's November 2025 lecture, Where is America Going?, takes this analysis further. The American oligarchy — Trump's cabinet alone holds a collective net worth exceeding $60 billion — represents a class whose wealth has become untethered from production. The total market capitalization of US-listed companies now exceeds 220% of GDP, compared to 80% in 1971. This is fictitious capital, claims on future wealth that may never be realized. Politically, the oligarchy can no longer rule through democratic forms. It is constructing what North calls "a Versailles on the Potomac."

North also applies one of Marx's most devastating formulations from The Class Struggles in France to the present: the finance aristocracy is nothing but "the rebirth of the lumpenproletariat on the heights of bourgeois society." The oligarchy's wealth is derived not from production but from speculation, manipulation of debt, and the plundering of social resources. Its mode of life — the Epstein connections, the Mar-a-Lago brothel culture, the fusion of money, depravity, and violence — reproduces the criminality of the underworld at the summit of society.

The Proletariat — the revolutionary class. The working class is defined by a single criterion: the compulsion to sell labor power to survive, because one owns no means of production. This includes factory workers, but it also includes teachers, editors, computer programmers, nurses, and every other wage-earner who depends on a paycheck. As Fred Mazelis explained in a 1998 WSWS reply to a reader, the relative privileges of white-collar layers have largely evaporated. Job insecurity, the need for multiple wage-earners per household, and the assault on living standards have made the objective condition of the white-collar worker indistinguishable from that of the traditional blue-collar proletarian.

The working class has not shrunk — it has exploded. From 1980 to 2020, as Eric London reported to the Seventh Congress of the Socialist Equality Party, the global working class grew by 2 billion people. A majority of the world's population now lives in cities for the first time in history. Ninety percent of world trade flows through a few dozen megacities where the working class is concentrated in positions of immense potential power. This is the class that Marx identified as the only consistently revolutionary force in modern society — not because it is morally superior, but because it has "nothing to lose but its chains" and can only emancipate itself by abolishing class society altogether.


The Intermediate Classes

The Petty Bourgeoisie — the vacillating class. Trotsky's analysis in "Bourgeoisie, Petty Bourgeoisie, and Proletariat" (1932) remains the essential text. The petty bourgeoisie — small business owners, self-employed professionals, the peasantry — is an exploited and disenfranchised class that regards the bourgeoisie with envy and often hatred, yet is incapable of an independent policy. It must choose between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

Trotsky identified three historical stages in this relationship. In the period of capitalism's rise, the petty bourgeoisie produced Jacobinism — a "plebian method" of settling accounts with feudalism that served the bourgeoisie despite sharp clashes with it. In the period of capitalist maturity, it was subordinated through reformist democracy and the labor aristocracy. In the period of capitalist decline, the bourgeoisie mobilizes the petty bourgeoisie through fascism — "a caricature of Jacobinism" — directing its despair and hatred against the proletariat rather than against capital.

The political trajectory of the petty bourgeoisie is therefore not fixed. In conditions of capitalist disintegration, it can link its fate to the proletariat, provided the revolutionary party demonstrates the strength, firmness, and capacity to lead. If the party vacillates and fails, the petty bourgeoisie turns toward fascism. The stakes could not be higher.

The Labor Aristocracy — the conservative layer within the working class. This is a stratum of workers — trade union officials, privileged skilled layers, certain professional-managerial strata — who are bought off with a share of imperialist superprofits. Historically, this was the basis of social democracy's betrayal in 1914 and the trade union bureaucracy's role as a transmission belt for bourgeois politics within the working class. The labor aristocracy is not a separate class but a politically decisive conservative layer whose material interests are tied to the preservation of capitalism. It is the social base of the pseudo-left — the DSA, the union apparatus, the NGO sector — which channels working-class opposition back into the Democratic Party and the capitalist state.


The Declassed Layers

The Lumpenproletariat — the "dangerous class." Marx defined this in the Eighteenth Brumaire as the "refuse of all classes" — swindlers, criminals, beggars, the chronically unemployed, the demoralized and degraded. Politically, the lumpenproletariat has historically been a tool of reaction. Louis Bonaparte's Society of December 10 was recruited from this layer. Fascist street armies drew heavily from it. Because it has no stable relationship to production, it has no independent class interest and can be purchased by the highest bidder.

But the concept has a second, more dialectical application. Marx's description of the finance aristocracy as the lumpenproletariat reborn "on the heights of bourgeois society" reveals that the boundary between the criminal underworld and the ruling class is not as clean as bourgeois morality pretends. The oligarchy's parasitism, its detachment from production, its predatory appetites — these reproduce the lumpenproletarian condition at the summit. The difference is that the oligarch has a private jet.


The Dynamic: Polarization

The classes should not be understood as a fixed hierarchy but as a process of polarization. The Communist Manifesto described capitalism's historical tendency to simplify class antagonisms: society splits into "two great hostile camps" — bourgeoisie and proletariat. The intermediate layers are ground down. The petty bourgeoisie is proletarianized. The middle class shrinks — as the WSWS documented in 2015, Germany's middle class fell from 56% to 48% of the population between 1992 and 2013. This process has accelerated dramatically.

The political ranking follows from the economic analysis. The bourgeoisie is the enemy — a parasitic oligarchy driving society toward dictatorship and war. The proletariat is the revolutionary subject — the only class capable of leading the struggle for socialism, because its exploitation is inseparable from the existence of capitalism itself. The petty bourgeoisie is the battleground: it will follow either the bourgeoisie into fascism or the proletariat into revolution. The labor aristocracy is an obstacle within the working class that must be politically defeated. The lumpenproletariat is politically unreliable and generally reactionary, though individuals from declassed backgrounds can be won to the revolutionary movement.

The task of the modern Marxist — the Trotskyist, the revolutionary internationalist — is to build the political party of the working class, independent of all bourgeois and petty-bourgeois tendencies, armed with the program of world socialist revolution. Everything else is commentary.

*****

Le marxiste moderne doit comprendre la structure de classe non comme une taxonomie statique, mais comme un ensemble dynamique de relations, traversé de conflits, enraciné dans le mode de production. Les classes se définissent par leur rapport aux moyens de production — propriété, contrôle, exploitation ou exclusion. Et oui, on peut les hiérarchiser, non pas au sens d'une simple échelle de statut, mais en fonction de leur position objective au sein du système capitaliste et de leur trajectoire politique correspondante. Le classement fondamental est le suivant : quelle classe a la capacité historique de faire avancer la société, et quelles classes sont des obstacles, des alliés ou de la chair à canon.


Les classes fondamentales

La bourgeoisie — la classe dirigeante. Aujourd'hui, il ne s'agit plus de la classe diffuse d'industriels concurrents que Marx décrivait en 1848. C'est une oligarchie financière. Comme Lénine l'a démontré dans L'Impérialisme, la concentration et la centralisation du capital fusionnent le capital bancaire avec le capital industriel pour former le capital financier — une « oligarchie financière » qui domine non seulement l'économie, mais l'État lui-même. Nick Beams, dans son article de 2017 sur la domination du capital financier, cite des recherches montrant que trente institutions financières seulement contrôlent plus de la moitié des actions des 299 plus grandes entreprises mondiales. La distinction entre capital industriel et capital financier s'est effondrée : « En fin de compte, tout capital est du capital financier. »

La conférence de David North de novembre 2025, Où va l'Amérique ?, pousse cette analyse plus loin. L'oligarchie américaine — le seul cabinet Trump détient une fortune nette collective supérieure à 60 milliards de dollars — représente une classe dont la richesse s'est détachée de la production. La capitalisation boursière totale des entreprises cotées aux États-Unis dépasse désormais 220 % du PIB, contre 80 % en 1971. Il s'agit de capital fictif, de créances sur une richesse future qui pourrait ne jamais se réaliser. Politiquement, l'oligarchie ne peut plus gouverner par les formes démocratiques. Elle construit ce que North appelle « un Versailles sur le Potomac ».

North applique également l'une des formulations les plus dévastatrices de Marx, tirée des Luttes de classes en France, à la période actuelle : l'aristocratie financière n'est rien d'autre que « la renaissance du lumpenprolétariat sur les sommets de la société bourgeoise ». La richesse de l'oligarchie ne provient pas de la production, mais de la spéculation, de la manipulation de la dette et du pillage des ressources sociales. Son mode de vie — les liens avec Epstein, la culture de maison close de Mar-a-Lago, la fusion de l'argent, de la dépravation et de la violence — reproduit la criminalité de la pègre au sommet de la société.

Le prolétariat — la classe révolutionnaire. La classe ouvrière se définit par un seul critère : la contrainte de vendre sa force de travail pour survivre, parce qu'on ne possède aucun moyen de production. Cela inclut les ouvriers d'usine, mais aussi les enseignants, les rédacteurs, les informaticiens, les infirmières et tous les autres salariés qui dépendent d'un chèque de paie. Comme l'expliquait Fred Mazelis en 1998 dans une réponse du WSWS à un lecteur, les privilèges relatifs des couches de cols blancs se sont largement évaporés. L'insécurité de l'emploi, la nécessité de plusieurs salariés par foyer et l'assaut contre le niveau de vie ont rendu la condition objective du col blanc indiscernable de celle du prolétaire ouvrier traditionnel.

La classe ouvrière n'a pas rétréci — elle a explosé. De 1980 à 2020, comme l'a rapporté Eric London au Septième Congrès du Parti de l'égalité socialiste, la classe ouvrière mondiale a augmenté de 2 milliards de personnes. Une majorité de la population mondiale vit désormais dans des villes pour la première fois de l'histoire. Quatre-vingt-dix pour cent du commerce mondial transite par quelques dizaines de mégapoles où la classe ouvrière est concentrée dans des positions d'un potentiel de pouvoir immense. C'est la classe que Marx a identifiée comme la seule force constamment révolutionnaire dans la société moderne — non parce qu'elle est moralement supérieure, mais parce qu'elle n'a « rien à perdre que ses chaînes » et ne peut s'émanciper qu'en abolissant la société de classes elle-même.


Les classes intermédiaires

La petite-bourgeoisie — la classe vacillante. L'analyse de Trotsky dans « Bourgeoisie, petite-bourgeoisie et prolétariat » (1932) reste le texte essentiel. La petite-bourgeoisie — petits commerçants, professionnels indépendants, paysannerie — est une classe exploitée et privée de droits qui regarde la bourgeoisie avec envie et souvent avec haine, mais qui est incapable d'une politique indépendante. Elle doit choisir entre la bourgeoisie et le prolétariat.

Trotsky a identifié trois étapes historiques dans ce rapport. Dans la période d'essor du capitalisme, la petite-bourgeoisie a produit le jacobinisme — une « méthode plébéienne » de régler les comptes avec la féodalité qui servait la bourgeoisie malgré de vifs affrontements avec elle. Dans la période de maturité capitaliste, elle a été subordonnée par la démocratie réformiste et l'aristocratie ouvrière. Dans la période de déclin capitaliste, la bourgeoisie mobilise la petite-bourgeoisie par le fascisme — « une caricature du jacobinisme » — en dirigeant son désespoir et sa haine contre le prolétariat plutôt que contre le capital.

La trajectoire politique de la petite-bourgeoisie n'est donc pas fixe. Dans des conditions de désintégration capitaliste, elle peut lier son sort au prolétariat, à condition que le parti révolutionnaire fasse preuve de la force, de la fermeté et de la capacité de diriger. Si le parti vacille et échoue, la petite-bourgeoisie se tourne vers le fascisme. Les enjeux ne sauraient être plus élevés.

L'aristocratie ouvrière — la couche conservatrice au sein de la classe ouvrière. Il s'agit d'une strate de travailleurs — dirigeants syndicaux, couches qualifiées privilégiées, certaines strates professionnelles-managériales — qui sont achetés par une part des superprofits impérialistes. Historiquement, c'est la base de la trahison de la social-démocratie en 1914 et du rôle de la bureaucratie syndicale comme courroie de transmission de la politique bourgeoise au sein de la classe ouvrière. L'aristocratie ouvrière n'est pas une classe distincte, mais une couche conservatrice politiquement décisive dont les intérêts matériels sont liés à la préservation du capitalisme. C'est la base sociale de la pseudo-gauche — les DSA, l'appareil syndical, le secteur des ONG — qui canalise l'opposition ouvrière vers le Parti démocrate et l'État capitaliste.


Les couches déclassées

Le lumpenprolétariat — la « classe dangereuse ». Marx l'a défini dans le 18 Brumaire comme le « rebut de toutes les classes » — escrocs, criminels, mendiants, chômeurs chroniques, les démoralisés et les dégradés. Politiquement, le lumpenprolétariat a historiquement été un instrument de la réaction. La Société du 10 décembre de Louis Bonaparte était recrutée dans cette couche. Les armées de rue fascistes y ont largement puisé. Parce qu'il n'a aucun rapport stable à la production, il n'a aucun intérêt de classe indépendant et peut être acheté par le plus offrant.

Mais le concept a une seconde application, plus dialectique. La description par Marx de l'aristocratie financière comme le lumpenprolétariat renaissant « sur les sommets de la société bourgeoise » révèle que la frontière entre la pègre et la classe dirigeante n'est pas aussi nette que la morale bourgeoise le prétend. Le parasitisme de l'oligarchie, son détachement de la production, ses appétits prédateurs — tout cela reproduit la condition lumpenprolétarienne au sommet. La différence, c'est que l'oligarque a un jet privé.


La dynamique : la polarisation

Les classes ne doivent pas être comprises comme une hiérarchie figée, mais comme un processus de polarisation. Le Manifeste communiste décrivait la tendance historique du capitalisme à simplifier les antagonismes de classe : la société se scinde en « deux grands camps hostiles » — bourgeoisie et prolétariat. Les couches intermédiaires sont broyées. La petite-bourgeoisie est prolétarisée. La classe moyenne rétrécit — comme le WSWS l'a documenté en 2015, la classe moyenne allemande est passée de 56 % à 48 % de la population entre 1992 et 2013. Ce processus s'est dramatiquement accéléré.

Le classement politique découle de l'analyse économique. La bourgeoisie est l'ennemi — une oligarchie parasitaire qui pousse la société vers la dictature et la guerre. Le prolétariat est le sujet révolutionnaire — la seule classe capable de diriger la lutte pour le socialisme, parce que son exploitation est inséparable de l'existence même du capitalisme. La petite-bourgeoisie est le champ de bataille : elle suivra soit la bourgeoisie dans le fascisme, soit le prolétariat dans la révolution. L'aristocratie ouvrière est un obstacle au sein de la classe ouvrière qui doit être politiquement vaincu. Le lumpenprolétariat est politiquement peu fiable et généralement réactionnaire, bien que des individus issus de milieux déclassés puissent être gagnés au mouvement révolutionnaire.

La tâche du marxiste moderne — le trotskyste, le révolutionnaire internationaliste — est de construire le parti politique de la classe ouvrière, indépendant de toutes les tendances bourgeoises et petites-bourgeoises, armé du programme de la révolution socialiste mondiale. Tout le reste n'est que commentaire.

*****

现代马克思主义者必须将阶级结构理解为一个动态的、充满冲突的关系体系,植根于生产方式之中,而非一种静态的分类法。各阶级由其与生产资料的关系——所有权、控制权、剥削或排斥——来界定。是的,它们可以排序,但这不是指简单的地位阶梯,而是依据它们在资本主义体系中的客观位置及其相应的政治轨迹。根本的排序是:哪个阶级具有引领社会前进的历史能力,哪些阶级是障碍、盟友或炮灰。


基本阶级

资产阶级——统治阶级。 今天,这已不是马克思在1848年所描述的那个由相互竞争的实业家组成的分散阶级,而是一个金融寡头集团。正如列宁在《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》中所论证的,资本的集中和积聚使银行资本与工业资本融合为金融资本——一个不仅支配经济而且支配国家本身的"金融寡头"。尼克·比姆斯在2017年关于金融资本的统治的文章中引用的研究表明,仅30家金融机构就控制了全球299家最大公司超过一半的股份。工业资本与金融资本的区别已经消失:"归根结底,所有资本都是金融资本。"

大卫·诺斯2025年11月的演讲《美国向何处去?》将这一分析推向了更深的层次。美国寡头集团——仅特朗普内阁成员的集体净资产就超过600亿美元——代表着一个财富已经脱离生产的阶级。美国上市公司的总市值如今超过GDP的220%,而1971年仅为80%。这是虚拟资本,是对可能永远无法实现的未来财富的索取权。在政治上,寡头集团已无法通过民主形式进行统治。它正在建造诺斯所说的"波托马克河畔的凡尔赛宫"。

诺斯还将马克思在《1848年至1850年的法兰西阶级斗争》中最具毁灭性的表述之一应用于当下:金融贵族不过是"流氓无产阶级在资产阶级社会顶层的重生"。寡头集团的财富并非来自生产,而是来自投机、债务操纵和对社会资源的掠夺。其生活方式——与爱泼斯坦的联系、海湖庄园的妓院文化、金钱、堕落与暴力的融合——在社会的最高层复制了黑社会的犯罪性。

无产阶级——革命阶级。 工人阶级由一个单一标准界定:为了生存而被迫出卖劳动力,因为不拥有任何生产资料。这包括工厂工人,也包括教师、编辑、计算机程序员、护士以及所有其他依赖工资支票的工薪劳动者。正如弗雷德·马泽利斯在1998年WSWS给一位读者的回复中所解释的,白领阶层的相对特权已基本消失。就业的不安全感、每户家庭需要多个工薪者以及对生活水平的攻击,使白领工人的客观状况与传统蓝领无产者已无法区分。

工人阶级没有萎缩——它爆炸性增长了。正如埃里克·伦敦在社会主义平等党第七次全国代表大会上报告的那样,从1980年到2020年,全球工人阶级增加了20亿人。世界人口的大多数有史以来第一次居住在城市中。百分之九十的世界贸易流经几十个特大城市,工人阶级集中在那里,掌握着巨大的潜在力量。这就是马克思所认定的现代社会中唯一始终革命的力量——不是因为它道德优越,而是因为它"失去的只是锁链",只有通过消灭阶级社会本身才能解放自己。


中间阶级

小资产阶级——摇摆不定的阶级。 托洛茨基在《资产阶级、小资产阶级与无产阶级》(1932年)中的分析仍然是核心文本。小资产阶级——小业主、自雇专业人士、农民——是一个受剥削、被剥夺权利的阶级,它对资产阶级既嫉妒又常常仇恨,却无法实行独立的政策。它必须在资产阶级与无产阶级之间做出选择。

托洛茨基指出了这种关系的三个历史阶段。在资本主义上升时期,小资产阶级产生了雅各宾主义——一种与封建主义清算的"平民方法",尽管与资产阶级发生尖锐冲突,却为资产阶级服务。在资本主义成熟时期,它通过改良民主和工人贵族被驯服。在资本主义衰落时期,资产阶级通过法西斯主义——"雅各宾主义的漫画"——动员小资产阶级,将其绝望和仇恨引向无产阶级,而非资本。

因此,小资产阶级的政治轨迹并非固定不变。在资本主义解体的条件下,它可以将其命运与无产阶级联系在一起,前提是革命政党展现出力量、坚定性和领导能力。如果政党动摇和失败,小资产阶级就会转向法西斯主义。其利害关系无以复加。

工人贵族——工人阶级内部的保守阶层。 这是工人中的一个阶层——工会官员、享有特权的熟练工人阶层、某些专业管理阶层——他们被帝国主义超额利润的一部分所收买。从历史上看,这是1914年社会民主党背叛以及工会官僚机构作为资产阶级政治在工人阶级内部的传送带的基础。工人贵族不是一个独立的阶级,而是一个政治上具有决定性意义的保守阶层,其物质利益与资本主义的存续联系在一起。它是伪左派——DSA、工会机构、非政府组织部门——的社会基础,这些势力将工人阶级的反对引回民主党和资本主义国家。


失去阶级地位的阶层

流氓无产阶级——"危险的阶级"。 马克思在《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》中将其定义为"所有阶级的渣滓"——骗子、罪犯、乞丐、长期失业者、道德败坏和堕落的人。在政治上,流氓无产阶级历来是反动势力的工具。路易·波拿巴的十二月十日会就是从这个阶层招募的。法西斯街头军队大量从中汲取力量。由于它与生产没有稳定的关系,它没有独立的阶级利益,可以被出价最高者收买。

但这一概念还有第二个、更具辩证性的应用。马克思将金融贵族描述为在"资产阶级社会顶层"重生的流氓无产阶级,揭示了黑社会与统治阶级之间的界限并不像资产阶级道德所声称的那样清晰。寡头集团的寄生性、它与生产的脱节、它的掠夺性欲望——这些都在最高层复制了流氓无产阶级的状况。区别在于,寡头有一架私人飞机。


动态:两极分化

不应将阶级理解为一种固定的等级制度,而应理解为一个两极分化的过程。《共产党宣言》描述了资本主义使阶级对立简单化的历史趋势:社会分裂为"两大敌对阵营"——资产阶级和无产阶级。中间阶层被碾碎。小资产阶级被无产阶级化。中产阶级在萎缩——正如WSWS在2015年所记录的,德国的中产阶级在1992年至2013年间从占人口的56%下降到48%。这一进程已急剧加速。

政治排序来自经济分析。资产阶级是敌人——一个将社会推向独裁和战争的寄生寡头集团。无产阶级是革命主体——唯一能够领导社会主义斗争的阶级,因为它的剥削与资本主义本身的存在不可分割。小资产阶级是战场:它要么追随资产阶级走向法西斯主义,要么追随无产阶级走向革命。工人贵族是工人阶级内部必须从政治上击败的障碍。流氓无产阶级在政治上不可靠且通常是反动的,尽管来自失去阶级地位背景的个人可以被争取到革命运动中来。

现代马克思主义者——托洛茨基主义者、革命的国际主义者——的任务是建设工人阶级的独立政党,独立于一切资产阶级和小资产阶级倾向,以世界社会主义革命的纲领武装起来。其余一切都是注释。

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today:

1. Oligarchy, dictatorship and the political radicalization of the American working class 


Joseph Kishore, the national secretary of the Socialist Equality Party (US) reports to the party's Ninth Congress to introduce its second resolution: the fight against the drive to dictatorship must be waged not by relying on Trump's factional opponents within the ruling class or the Democratic Party, but through the independent political mobilization of the working class, organized in rank-and-file committees and armed with a revolutionary socialist program, to conquer political power.

With assistance from Socialism AI, here is a summary of his report:

Introduction

  • The report introduced the second resolution, "The drive to dictatorship and the political radicalization in the United States," which was unanimously adopted
  • David North's opening report established the framework: the Congress convenes at "a critical turning point in the political history of the United States and the world—the point of intersection of war, economic crisis, and rapidly growing social radicalization"
  • The resolution takes up the political and social consequences of that intersection within the United States
  • The analysis is the product of sustained historical work, not an impressionistic response to recent events
  • The ruling class placed Trump in power believing "the interests of the oligarchy would be well cared for by a sociopathic gangster"
  • The recently published Mehring Books volume Oligarchy: Trump and the Breakdown of American Democracy is "the documentary record of the analysis upon which the resolution rests"

Part I: Oligarchy and the Record of the Party's Analysis of Trump

Two false interpretations of Trump

  • Interpretation 1: Trump as "a monster risen from the depths, an inexplicable eruption into an otherwise healthy democracy" → task becomes restoration and electing Democrats
  • Interpretation 2: Trump as "a satanic genius, imposing his will upon a helpless nation" → working class reduced to spectator, opposition limited to moral protest and appeals to the institutions that produced him

Five themes characterizing the SEP's analysis across the Trump period

  1. Class analysis of Trump's rise

    • As early as March 3, 2016, David North wrote that Trump's candidacy could "no longer be dismissed" and was "of a distinctly fascistic character"
    • Rejected the Democratic Party/media explanation that Trump's rise was simply the product of racism and the supposed racism of white workers
    • Identified a sociopolitical process: Trump pitched his message to "the intense anger and frustration of tens of millions of Americans who feel—quite justifiably—neglected and scorned by a political system that is indifferent to the problems with which they are confronted every day"
    • Why did the right benefit rather than the left? The Democratic Party is "the political instrument of Wall Street and substantial sections of military and intelligence strategists," and the pseudo-left milieu is characterized by "complacency, self-absorption and, above all, contempt for the working class"
    • Prognosis from 2016: "Even if Trump were to disappear tomorrow, it would not be long before another fascistic demagogue would emerge to take his place"
    • Warning of "discontented military and police-intelligence operatives, with substantial combat experience and access to serious fighting forces, who are preparing to enter the political arena" — written five years before January 6
    • Repudiation of racialist interpretation: Niles Niemuth answered a New York Times op-ed claiming white men supported Trump to recover lost advantages; Eric London refuted the "inherent racism of the white working class" narrative with a detailed analysis of election returns
    • This fight anticipated the party's response to the 1619 Project three years later
    • The SEP statement on Trump's first inauguration: "History has caught up with American capitalism… Donald Trump personifies the corruption, ruthlessness, parasitism and essentially fascistic mindset of the capitalist oligarchs who control the United States"
  2. Class anatomy of ruling-class opposition to Trump

    • The June 13, 2017 Political Committee statement, "Palace Coup or Class Struggle," delineated three forms of opposition to Trump, corresponding to three classes:
      • First: Opposition of a powerful faction within the capitalist class — "fundamentally antidemocratic, involving behind-the-scenes plotting with elements within the military-intelligence establishment and corporate-financial elite" — the methods of a palace coup. Its quarrel was over the anti-Russia campaign, not democratic rights or anti-working class policies
      • Second: Opposition of "affluent sections of the middle class" — the DSA, ISO, Socialist Alternative, Greens — whose function is "to maintain the domination of the ruling class over the working class"
      • Third: Opposition "between the ruling class and the working class, the broad mass of the population"
    • Strategic conclusion: The working class must fight for Trump's removal, but "this task must not be entrusted to Trump's factional opponents in the ruling class… It must develop its struggle against Trump under its own banner and with its own program"
  3. Consistent warning of the fascist danger

    • October 2019: "No to American Fascism! Build a Mass Movement to Force Trump Out!" — declared "The old refrain, 'It can't happen here'… is hopelessly out of date." The source: "The massive concentration of wealth within the richest one percent of the population and the unprecedented level of social inequality are incompatible with traditional democratic forms of rule"
    • June 2, 2020: Following Trump's law-and-order broadcast and military assault on peaceful protests outside the White House — "will live in infamy as the beginning of a coup d'état by a criminal administration" (seven months before January 6)
    • November 11, 2020: The Political Committee set out the mechanism of the conspiracy in advance — Republican legislatures repudiating the popular vote, legal challenges before a packed Supreme Court, the precedent of Bush v. Gore — while Biden dismissed Trump's actions as "an embarrassment"
    • January 7, 2021: David North wrote: "Not only can a fascist coup happen here. It has happened here… even if the initial effort has fallen short of its goal, it will happen again"
    • Contrast with Bhaskar Sunkara of Jacobin, who tweeted he had "seen the stability of US republican institutions in the face of a right-wing mob"
  4. Historical and international framework

    • David North's lecture 11 days after the coup: "The main cause of the eruption of January 6 is to be found in the global crisis of the capitalist system, rather than in specifically American conditions"
    • The coup situated in the arc of American history since Kennedy's inauguration (60 years to the day before Biden's):
      • Kennedy's reformism was a strategy against socialism, resting on economic dominance that was beginning to shift
      • Nixon's ending of dollar-gold convertibility (August 15, 1971) was the turning point
      • "The abandonment of social reform required a turn toward increasing social repression. The trajectory of American democracy followed the trajectory of American capitalism—that is, downward"
      • Milestones: Watergate, Carter's Taft-Hartley against striking miners, Reagan's destruction of PATCO, Iran-Contra and Rex 84, theft of the 2000 election, Patriot Act and Guantanamo, Obama's targeted assassination of US citizens without due process
      • Growth of financial parasitism from the 1990s through the pandemic bailouts
    • "January 6 marks a new stage in a protracted process of democratic breakdown"
    • Basic alternatives: "Where is America going? Will it go toward fascism, or will it go toward socialism? … If democracy is to survive … power must pass into the hands of the working class"
  5. Continuity — through Biden to Trump's return and the present drive to dictatorship

    • The Biden years as "an interregnum within a single process," not a rupture
    • Biden two days after the coup: "We need a Republican Party. We need an opposition that is principled and strong"
    • The Democrats' investigation concluded the central cause of January 6 was one man — "to whitewash the role of pillars of the US government that were deeply involved in the coup"
    • The Justice Department prosecuted foot soldiers and left the network of officials, operatives, and financiers untouched
    • The Democratic Party "feared the population more than it feared the coup"
    • Biden policy: initiation and escalation of the US-NATO proxy war against Russia; arming, financing, and shielding the Israeli genocide in Gaza; shoring up ruling-class consensus behind American imperialism
    • Trump's return: no mass surge of support — he gained three million votes; Harris fell 6.3 million below Biden and improved only among voters earning above $200,000/year
    • Among the 29% of voters describing themselves as angry, Trump won 71 to 27
    • Trump's return represents "the violent realignment of the American political superstructure to correspond with the real social relations that exist in the United States"
    • Record of the second Trump administration: Nazi-inspired "state of exception," ICE as paramilitary force, ICE murder, deployment of federal troops into American cities, invasion of Venezuela, war against Iran, systematic erection of political dictatorship
    • September 2025: "Trump's Fascist Conspiracy and How to Fight It" — the drive to dictatorship will continue even if Trump is removed; starting point is a break with the Democratic Party; fight must be based on industrial mobilization through rank-and-file committees
    • David North's November 2025 lecture, "Where Is America Going? Oligarchy, Dictatorship, and the Revolutionary Crisis of Capitalism":
      • Central thesis: the political structure is being brought into alignment with the class structure
      • Trump's cabinet and top appointees command a collective net worth above $60 billion — "This is not symbolic representation. It is direct rule by the oligarchy"
      • Historical law: "It is a characteristic of every ruling class that as it heads for extinction, it becomes increasingly aggressive"
      • Political conclusion: America is going to socialism — not as inevitability but as objective tendency, raising the imperative of political leadership
      • "The most politically conservative working class, supposedly immune to the appeal of socialism, is now being politically radicalized"
      • At this lecture, David North announced the initiation of Socialism AI

Part II: The Political Role and History of the DSA

The developing radicalization

  • Trump's first inauguration statement: the administration "is, in the final analysis, the product of the desperate crisis that afflicts American capitalism. Its reckless policies will set into motion forces both within the United States and internationally that it cannot control." Those forces are now in motion
  • Under the blows of impossible living costs, endless war, ICE murder, open dictatorship, and extreme social inequality, millions are being propelled into political life and moving to the left
  • Polling: nearly 40% of registered voters would consider a socialist presidential candidate (46% among voters under 30); roughly one-third of Democrats identify as "democratic socialists" and are more likely to earn under $100,000/year
  • This has found initial expression in growth of the DSA and votes for DSA-endorsed candidates
  • The millions voting for such candidates are "not voting for the Democratic Party's record but against capitalism, for candidates they understand to be socialists"
  • "The objective significance of this growth must be acknowledged: it registers a leftward movement of masses of workers and young people and the collapse of the decades-long anti-socialist taboo. But acknowledgment is not adaptation"

The DSA is not a socialist party

  • It is "a faction of the Democratic Party, and its principal role is to block the development of an independent political movement of the working class, to capture the movement toward socialism and bind it back to the capitalist two-party system"
  • It is a 44-year-old organization resting on a political lineage of nearly 90 years, every stage defined by a break from Marxism and from the working class

Historical roots

  • Shachtmanite origins: The roots lie in Max Shachtman's 1940 break from Trotsky and the SWP over the class nature of the Soviet Union. Trotsky's essays in In Defense of Marxism established that what was at issue was method and class orientation — the abandonment of dialectical materialism for petty-bourgeois pragmatism. Trotsky insisted the theoretical capitulation would be followed by a political one; he was proved correct within a decade
  • Shachtman's trajectory: refused to defend the USSR → by 1950, defending US imperialism in Korea → supported Bay of Pigs and the Vietnam War → integrated followers into the anti-communist apparatus of the AFL-CIO under George Meany
  • Michael Harrington: Shachtman's protégé, shared his pro-imperialist politics. At Port Huron (1962), attacked the SDS draft statement as insufficiently anti-communist
  • DSOC (1972): Founded on the program of "realignment" — socialists working within the Democratic Party, functioning as "the left wing of the possible," the possible being defined by what the Democratic Party and ruling class would permit. "This was a founding programmatic renunciation of the political independence of the working class, and it remains the program of the DSA today"
  • Harrington's break with Shachtman reflected ruling-class shifts — the McGovern campaign and the Democratic Party's turn toward middle-class politics (environmentalism, feminism, identity politics). Shachtman's acolytes ended up in the Republican Party and the neoconservative movement
  • DSA formed 1982: merger of Harrington's DSOC with the New American Movement (NAM). The name itself is revealing: not a party but a "movement"; not socialist or communist but "American"; above all, "new" — in relation to Marxism, the Russian Revolution, and the entire strategic experience of the international working class, all to be left behind
  • NAM: founded 1971 out of the wreckage of the SDS, gathered the residue of the New Left — Gramscian vocabulary, former Stalinists and CP family members bringing Popular Front sensibilities
  • The DSA is "the organizational fusion of these two repudiations of Marxism: the Shachtmanite renunciation of the defense of the workers state and its adaptation to imperialism, and the New Left renunciation of the working class itself"

The DSA's present program and character

  • The DSA's 2026 convention program, "Workers Deserve More": "a compendium of reform proposals entirely oriented to working within the state, and particularly the Democratic Party"
  • Its complaint against the Democratic Party is that it is "asleep at the wheel" — a party of Wall Street and the Pentagon described as a negligent institution
  • No call for a workers party, no break with the two-party system, no analysis of imperialism, nothing on the war against Russia, nothing on Iran
  • Convention programming: "Governing as Socialists: The DSA Difference," promising "co-governance with Socialists in Office" — a formulation assuming the permanence of the capitalist state
  • DSA New York co-chair on Fox News: "building allies with, like, perhaps Governor Newsom in California"

Internal crisis of the DSA

  • The elevation of the DSA into the apparatus of the capitalist state is producing a crisis within the organization
  • Factional conflict crystallized around a possible AOC presidential campaign in 2028
  • The National Political Committee voted 15–8 to eliminate the all-membership poll for deciding endorsement
  • Red Star faction: opposes AOC endorsement because she "endorsed Biden in the midst of his genocide of Palestinians"
  • Reform and Revolution: fuller indictment — AOC voted to ban the railroad strike (2022), endorsed Biden and Harris (2024), voted to fund the Ukraine war, called Israel's Iron Dome "a positive good," takes no "consistent, oppositional stance towards the two parties of Wall Street" — "devastating indictments of the DSA and of Ocasio-Cortez, largely drawn from the World Socialist Web Site"
  • Marxist Unity Group: "if we pool our resources and launch a serious campaign in 2027, we have a decent shot at electing AOC President, thus completely destroying our own movement almost overnight"
  • None of the factions has principled differences with the DSA's politics — their conclusions are organizational adjustments, not a break with the Democratic Party
  • Cosmonaut magazine published expelled ISA members who declared: "The correctness of our positions should be judged on the strength of our analysis, not fidelity to any 'tradition'" — specifically the Trotskyist tradition
  • What is rejected across the entire milieu: "any appeal to principled politics, to history, to the strategic experience of the international workers' movement… 'Tradition' is placed in quotation marks and set aside as an encumbrance"

The DSA in power

  • Bhaskar Sunkara in a New York Times interview: defended Zohran Mamdani — "Zohran Mamdani right now is administrating a police department with over 30,000 armed men and women, and he's administrating it by all accounts very well"
  • "I think in practice, the experience of governance, of competing in elections, is a moderating force on a lot of these issues"
  • Mamdani's record: implementation of austerity, betrayal of the nurses' strike, conflict with teachers, two meetings with Trump in the White House — including two days before the Iran war
  • Sunkara on the economy: "Any form of social democracy is grow, give. There needs to be profitability in order to have something to redistribute." Socialism would emerge "centuries from now." In the short term, "we need firms that are profitable"
  • On immigration: abolish ICE, but "Obviously, we still need some sort of border enforcement and customs"
  • On Biden: "his failures were fundamentally the failure to communicate"
  • The governing formula: "American socialists are way more liberal than they themselves think" — meaning DSA politics is the politics of the Democratic Party

Class character of the DSA

  • Not a working-class organization — arose from two petty-bourgeois tendencies, rests on affluent layers of the professional middle class
  • Its function is not to represent workers but to manage them on behalf of the Democratic Party
  • It is pro-imperialist
  • It brings the worst traditions of two currents: the accommodation to imperialism of social democracy, and the subordination of the working class to bourgeois parties (the cardinal service of Stalinism to American capitalism)
  • Stalinism in the DSA: Sunkara's Socialist Manifesto upholds the CP's Popular Front policies of the 1930s as a model. In 2021, DSA officials posted memes celebrating the assassination of Trotsky — never repudiated by the national secretary
  • Neither the DSA nor any pseudo-left group has said anything about the death threat against Will Lehman by Raymond Jensen, a high-ranking UAW official who supports Shawn Fain
  • The DSA is "the American representative of an international phenomenon: the pseudo-left, the political tendency of affluent layers of the middle class that employs socialist phrases in defense of capitalism." Parallels: Syriza, Podemos, Germany's Left Party, the Corbyn movement — wherever in power, "it has administered the capitalist state against the working class"

Conclusion: The Socialist Alternative

The program of the SEP

  • Counterposed to pseudo-left politics: not better reforms, but a revolutionary and internationalist program
  • Socialism is "the abolition of the private ownership of the means of production and the conquest of political power by the working class. It means the expropriation of the financial-corporate oligarchy and the transformation of the banks and major corporations into public property under democratic control. It means social equality… And it must be international. The program of the SEP is the program of world socialist revolution"

Objective conditions and party building

  • The same crisis producing global war and placing a fascist gangster in the White House is driving the working class into struggle
  • The 2010 prognosis — "the change in objective conditions will lead American workers to change their minds" — is being confirmed
  • Conditions for significant growth of the party exist
  • "Above all, the building of the party in the working class"

Practical tasks

  • Will Lehman's UAW presidential campaign: a spearhead for intervention into the industrial working class and the working class as a whole
  • Rank-and-file committees: must be built in every factory, workplace, and neighborhood where the party is active, in all industries and sectors
  • IYSSE branches: must be built on campuses throughout the country
  • Socialism AI: must be brought into daily political activity for educating and training a new generation
  • The Oligarchy book: must be distributed and studied on the widest possible scale

The decisive point: history and theory

  • "The growth of the party is not a merely quantitative process. Recruitment must be accompanied by—and is, in fact, inseparable from—the systematic education of the cadre… Marxist theory is not an ornament of the party's practice but its foundation"
  • The task: transform political radicalization into a conscious revolutionary movement, arm workers and youth with knowledge of the history of the Marxist movement, train them as cadre of the Fourth International
  • What stands between workers and youth moving toward socialism and the fight they seek is "a body of political experience that has not yet been assimilated, embodied in the history of the International Committee of the Fourth International"
  • Warning of the Socialist Labour League against the drift of the OCI: "There is always a danger… that a revolutionary party responds to the situation in the working class not in a revolutionary way, but by adaptation to the level of struggle to which the workers are restricted by their own experience under the old leaderships"
  • The safeguard is historical education — orientation cannot be improvised from the events of the week; it is "derived from the strategic experiences of the international workers movement"
  • The five phases in the history of the Trotskyist movement are "the accumulated strategic capital of the world socialist revolution"
  • The politicization of workers and youth "poses, above all, the questions of program, perspective, and leadership" — with a definite historical answer: "Trotskyism is the Marxism of the 21st century"
  • "On the outcome of this fight—more than on anything that Trump does, that the ruling class does—depends the answer to the question: socialism or barbarism?"
  • The resolution is moved for adoption.

2. Mamdani silent on NYPD surveillance of New York City public housing tenants

On August 6, Brooklyn Defender Services and the civil rights law firm Beldock Levine & Hoffman LLP sued New York City, the New York Police Department and NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch on behalf of tenant associations at the Langston Hughes Houses and Samuel Tilden Houses, challenging the city’s covert integration of public housing security cameras into the NYPD’s Domain Awareness System (DAS).

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), has not commented on the suit, much less call a halt to the program. Mamdani’s silence is the third major attack by his administration in a single month on the working class, particularly its poorest and most vulnerable sections. 

*****

Roughly 330,000 of the poorest New Yorkers live in NYCHA public housing, where rents remain far below the average asking price of more than $4,000 a month for a one-bedroom apartment. Without public housing, many would face vastly higher housing costs or homelessness. This layer of the working class is being directly squeezed by the Trump Administration: an estimated tens of thousands of NYCHA residents are directly affected by the federal SNAP cuts and expanded work rules.

Decades of chronic disinvestment have left the aging housing stock with an estimated $78 billion capital repair backlog. Residents endure dangerous conditions: toxic mold from deteriorated plumbing, winter heat and hot water outages, persistent elevator breakdowns, lead paint hazards and deteriorating facades. Mamdani’s Block-by-Block housing program allocates only $5.6 billion to NYCHA over five years, less than one-thirteenth of the authority’s estimated $78 billion capital repair backlog.

The class character of the NYCHA surveillance program was highlighted this week when Mamdani backed proposed legislation forbidding “places of public accommodation” from using biometric recognition to identify customers. The bill, sponsored by DSA council member Shahana Hanif, targets facial recognition used by Trump ally James Dolan, the billionaire owner of the Knicks and Madison Square Garden, to track and expel attorneys from firms involved in litigation against MSG.

Significantly, the proposed legislation would leave the NYPD’s own use of facial recognition untouched. It expressly exempts the collection, storage, sharing and use of biometric information by government agencies. Police could therefore apply facial recognition to footage obtained from MSG or other private camera systems, even though the businesses themselves would be prohibited from doing so.

While MSG’s use of facial recognition at its venues is reactionary and must be opposed, Mamdani’s defense of MSG shareholders over working people in NYCHA—who could scarcely afford a Knicks ticket—is telling. It demonstrates that the class orientation of the DSA is to the NYPD, the Trump administration, and a capitalist oligarchy which is increasingly terrified of any eruption of mass dissent.

*****

Mamdani’s silence on the NYCHA spying is part of a rapid escalation in his war against the working class. On August 7, after the Supreme Court upheld the revocation of Temporary Protected Status for some 350,000 Haitians, Mamdani announced Haitian city employees would be terminated—directly enforcing the fascistic anti-immigrant machinery of an administration whose leader has called Haiti a “shithole country” and accused Haitian immigrants of eating pets. He made no call for protests, strikes or legal challenges, instead directing appeals to Trump himself, with whom he has met twice in the White House and boasted of a “partnership.”

This came days after he reversed his pledge to support a $10,000 bonus for paraprofessional school aides—among the city’s most exploited workers, starting at $33,222—invoking the anti-labor Taylor Law to block the measure, in capitulation to Wall Street and the corporate media.

In the case of the Haitian workers, as with NYCHA surveillance, Mamdani acts as a direct instrument of the capitalist state’s repressive apparatus, stripping workers of their livelihoods and legal right to remain, delivering them to a deportation regime that may send them back to gang violence and possible death in Haiti.

These actions are not aberrations but the logical culmination of Mamdani’s record since taking office: he has slashed school and homeless programs, deferred city pension contributions, reneged on free bus service, and created a commission to prepare permanent austerity.

This is the DSA in power. Mamdani and the DSA are not “socialists” who have compromised, but a faction of the Democratic Party whose function is to channel working-class opposition back into the capitalist state, block an independent political movement of the working class, and directly implement state repression against it. Social tensions are growing in America’s largest and most unequal city every day and must invariably find an outlet. The mass surveillance of NYCHA residents is a critical part of the state’s preparations to contain the inevitable eruption of social opposition.

3. More than two-thirds of UPS’ US package volume now handled in automated facilities

UPS is now handling 68.5 percent of its US package volume through automated facilities, up from 64 percent a year ago, an increase equivalent to 337 million additional packages handled through automation, according to the company’s quarterly earnings call on July 28. The company is combining this automation drive with the largest consolidation of its network in its history. UPS Chief Financial Officer Brian Dykes said in the company’s second-quarter earnings call, “We will have eliminated 50 million hours through the course of last year and this year, nearly 78,000 operational positions that were associated with that volume, and we’ll close nearly 150 buildings.”

These developments further expose the Teamsters’ so-called “historic” 2023 contract as an historic sellout. The contract dropped the demands of part-time workers, while wage increases for some workers were to be more than compensated for by massive attacks on jobs through automation. The jobs assault began almost immediately, with UPS eliminating entire shifts in late 2023 and announcing plans to cut 12,000 primarily management positions in early 2024, a precursor to the large-scale reductions in drivers and operational staff that have mounted since.

Since the beginning of this jobs onslaught, the Teamsters bureaucracy has organized no struggle against the elimination of tens of thousands of jobs. General President Sean O’Brien has occasionally claimed the union would “fight” if UPS violates the existing contract, but the bureaucracy has been almost entirely silent on the deepest layoffs in the history of UPS. Teamsters for a Democratic Union, which backed O’Brien’s election, acknowledged last year that automation would cause permanent job losses but declared, “we can’t stop it altogether,” directing workers instead toward grievances, seniority rules and other provisions of the contract.

The bureaucracy’s claims that the 2023 agreement secured thousands of full-time jobs and protected workers from layoffs have been exposed as a sham. The contract requires UPS to fill 22,500 permanent full-time positions with existing part-time workers and create 7,500 additional full-time jobs in its final three years, but it does not bar the company from eliminating far larger numbers of jobs elsewhere through automation, closures and attrition.

*****

The scale of the attack is clear from UPS’ own figures. The company reported 370,000 US employees at the end of 2025, down from 414,000 at the end of 2023; about 295,000 US workers were covered by the national Teamsters agreement at the end of 2025. UPS says it reduced its operational workforce by 48,000 positions in 2025, including 15,000 fewer seasonal positions. Its second-quarter 2026 figure of nearly 78,000 operational positions eliminated across last year and this year shows that the assault is still accelerating.

The technology being introduced goes far beyond faster conveyor belts. UPS is deploying robotic systems to unload trailers, pick and sort small packages, and autonomous guided vehicles to move packages and heavy or irregular shipments through facilities. These systems directly automate work traditionally performed by package handlers inside the hubs.

UPS is also automating the identification and routing of packages. Its Smart Package Smart Facility system uses RFID sensors to register packages as they move through buildings and vehicles, reducing the need for repeated manual scans. Network-planning software and a digital twin of UPS’ facilities, air and ground networks and package flows are used to model volume and reroute work across the system.

These technologies function together as part of UPS’ “Network of the Future.” Automation allows the company to consolidate sorts into fewer buildings, shift volume to highly automated hubs and reduce the number of workers needed for a given package volume. UPS itself says the program combines automation with operational sort consolidation and has already led to reductions in facilities, vehicles, aircraft and workforce.

Essential to this process has been UPS’ deliberate reduction of its Amazon business. By the end of the second quarter, UPS had completed a reduction of more than 50 percent in Amazon volume from 2024 levels, shedding roughly two million lower-margin packages per day. The company is replacing this volume with higher-margin business, particularly healthcare, business-to-business and international shipping, while concentrating the remaining work in a smaller and more automated network.

*****

UPS is part of a much broader drive to use automation to reduce labor costs. Internal Amazon planning documents reported last year projected that robotics could allow the company to avoid hiring more than 600,000 US workers by 2033.

The enormous increase in productivity raises the decisive issue of which class will control the technology and for what purpose. UPS has demonstrated that new machinery and software can move packages with far less human labor. Under corporate ownership, however, every hour of labor saved becomes a target for elimination from the payroll, so that the greater the advance in productivity, the greater the threat to workers’ livelihoods.

The working class has the opposite interest. If technology allows the same work to be done in fewer hours, it should mean a shorter workweek with no loss in pay, lighter workloads and safer conditions, not unemployment and intensified exploitation for those who remain. Realizing that potential requires taking control over production and the deployment of technology out of the hands of UPS management and Wall Street and placing it under the democratic control of the workers themselves.

The fight against layoffs at UPS therefore requires the building of rank-and-file committees in every workplace, independent of the Teamsters bureaucracy, to organize action against closures and job cuts rather than bargain over their effects after management has decided them. These committees must unite workers across the logistics industry and internationally in a struggle for workers’ control and the socialist transformation of society, so that the vast productive gains from automation are used to shorten the workweek, raise living standards and improve safety instead of destroying jobs and enriching corporate executives and Wall Street investors.

4. Chilean miners’ families fight alone as management walks free and unions look the other way

The corporatized union apparatus aligned to the Chilean “left” has done nothing but issue statements, observe moments of silence and light candles.

5. Ex-Left Party leader helps pave the way for far-right rule in eastern Germany

Sahra Wagenknecht’s rapprochement with the AfD has been apparent for years. Now, she is not only moving closer to the far-right party in terms of policy, but is helping it attain power. 

6. Federal monitor allows UAW official who issued death threat against Will Lehman to collect his $200,000 salary 

More than a month after a high-ranking official of the United Auto Workers (UAW), Raymond Jensen, posted a death threat against Will Lehman, the Mack Trucks worker and socialist candidate for UAW president, that official remains an employee of the UAW International, drawing a salary of $202,000 a year from the dues of the membership.

Lehman reported on X that, late last week, a lawyer for the court-appointed Monitor overseeing the UAW informed his legal team that “the Union is presently considering next steps with respect to Mr. Jensen’s employment.” Lehman’s team was told to contact the UAW Legal Department “if you have any further questions about their process.”

That is, the Monitor, vested by a federal court with sweeping disciplinary powers, has handed the fate of a self-confessed author of a death threat to the apparatus headed by UAW President Shawn Fain—the man whose re-election campaign badge Raymond Jensen Jr. still has on his Facebook page, and on whose behalf the threat was made.

*****

The Monitor claimed that it had determined a penalty “to reflect the seriousness of his conduct and to deter similar misconduct by others.” It stipulated, and Jensen agreed to, a two-year suspension from UAW membership, a permanent ban on him running for any elected union position, a prohibition on campaigning for any candidate in this election cycle, and making a formal apology to Lehman.

Workers welcomed the sanctions and drew the obvious conclusion that Jensen would not be allowed to continue his position as a UAW “organizer.” This is clearly what “suspension from the UAW” implied, and any worker who issued a death threat would be immediately terminated from their position. 

According to the UAW, however, Jensen can be “suspended” as a UAW member while remaining employed by the UAW. Indeed, the only practical consequence is that Jensen no longer has to pay union dues. In other words, an official who violated federal election rules and likely federal criminal law will not only continue to be fully paid, but also receive a bonus!

The Monitor cannot claim it lacks the power to do more. The 2021 consent decree gives it “the authority and duty to bring disciplinary charges against individuals,” including the power to fine them, strip their benefits or “otherwise discipline” them. When it found last December that Fain’s chief of staff, Chris Brooks, had conspired with Fain to strip Secretary-Treasurer Margaret Mock of her duties and then lied to its investigators, Brooks was removed from his position within two weeks. Lying to the Monitor is evidently a firing offense. Threatening to shoot the opposition candidate is a personnel matter, under review.

*****

Certain truths emerge from this episode and the response to it.

First, the character of the apparatus. As Lehman has insisted from the beginning, the threat was never about just himself. It was the answer of the apparatus to rank-and-file opposition—an organization of 560 functionaries taking home more than $100,000 a year, which has presided over decades of concessions, plant closures and the deaths of workers, and which cannot answer opposition with arguments.

Jensen's image only put into a picture what workers confront every day from an apparatus that functions as an arm of corporate management: the 'toxic climate of retribution' the Monitor itself found Fain to have presided over, and the contempt for every worker who votes down a contract, raises a question at a meeting or dares to run against it. 

Second, the role of the Monitor. Acting on behalf of the capitalist state, it functions not to democratize the UAW but to protect the apparatus—certifying an election in which Fain was installed with the votes of 6 percent of the membership, and now leaving Jensen's paycheck in Fain's hands.

Third, the bureaucracy cannot be reformed, whether from within or by federal oversight. It must be abolished, and settling accounts with it is the task of rank-and-file workers themselves. That is the significance of Lehman's campaign: not to occupy an office at Solidarity House, but to develop a movement of the rank and file—committees in every plant, controlled by workers themselves, linked across industries and borders, with power transferred to the shop floor. 

7. Forklift safety expert calls for independent investigation into catastrophic accident at GM Flint Assembly

While forklifts can be equipped with cameras, proximity detectors and collision-warning systems, workers appear to remain dependent largely upon horns, painted lines, mirrors and the ability of a forklift driver to twist around and look backward.

8. Private credit market under growing stress

Loan defaults are rising and the number of companies financed by private credit being placed on a watch list is growing.

9. Philippine impeachment trial advances Marcos’ consolidation of state power

Behind the constitutional theater in the Philippine Senate, the impeachment of Vice President Sara Duterte is being staged to eliminate the last significant political obstacle to Washington’s transformation of the archipelago into a forward base for war with China.

10. Russia and Ukraine bleed as NATO’s war threatens to engulf Europe

The UK’s supply of Storm Shadow missiles to Ukraine in May 2023 and formal authorization of their use against targets inside Russia a year later prompted Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova to state that Russia might hit British targets “on Ukraine’s territory and beyond its borders.”

What no one in the imperialist governments or media will say is that the world is teetering on the brink of one of these threats being acted upon, leading to direct conflict between nuclear-armed powers.

*****

The danger of escalation beyond the borders of Russia and Ukraine reflects the savage intensity of the war within them. Aerial strikes are claiming a rising toll of civilian lives. According to the New York Times, 327 Russian civilians were killed in the first seven months of the year, up from 145 in the same period last year. Another 2,366 were wounded—double last year’s total.

Ukraine suffered its worst month of civilian casualties since 2022 this July, according to the UN: 437 killed and 2,610 injured—a 30 percent increase compared to June and a 70 percent increase compared to July 2025. 

Across the first seven months of the year, 1,830 civilians were killed—taking the war’s total to over 16,000—and 10,638 injured. The overall figure is a 44 percent increase over the same period in 2025 and more than double the same period in 2024.

Workers and their families are being killed as part of a campaign of strikes against industrial facilities, transport, energy and export infrastructure. In Ukraine, multiple ports have been hit—primarily Odessa and Izmail, major terminals for agricultural exports—as have cargo ships like the Golden Leo and Venturo.

Energy infrastructure has been a constant target, especially in the lead-up to and during the winter months, with large numbers of strikes on electricity generation, transmission and distribution facilities, plus heat and power plants, repeatedly taking chunks of power generation capacity offline. Hundreds of strikes, escalating in 2026, have been launched against rail infrastructure.

In Russia, at least two dozen large oil refineries have been hit, leading to a 33 percent month-on-month fall in Russian seaborne oil exports in July 2026. Seven major ports have been damaged, mostly involved in the export of oil, but including the grain-exporting Novorossiysk. Ten Wildberries warehouses, Russia’s Amazon equivalent, have been struck, with Ukraine claiming seven were disabled, affecting up to 20 percent of warehouse space.

Mounting drone and missile “deep strikes” are a response to the fact that the frontline has been fought to a bloody standstill—in a meatgrinder of trenches, artillery and drones. According to the Institute for the Study of War, Russian forces gained just 7.87 percent as much territory in the first half of 2026 as they did in the first half of 2025.

Each side throws tens of thousands of bodies into the maw every month. According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), an imperialist think tank which has every reason to downplay these figures, roughly 125,000-150,000 Ukrainian soldiers have been killed and up to 475,000 left wounded or missing since the war began.

The CSIS claims 400,000-450,000 Russian soldiers have been killed, out of a total 1.4 million casualties. Russian exile oppositionist news site Mediazona, working with the BBC’s Russian service, has identified 239,000 dead Russian soldiers through relatives’ social media posts, local media reports, and statements from regional officials. They estimate a real figure of 352,000 based on excess male mortality, using data from the national Probate Registry.

No figures can be entirely trusted, but it is clear the overall toll is horrific. In this brutal war of attrition, the intention is to put enough pressure on the other side’s society to force a collapse. Ukraine, a client state of NATO, is pursuing regime change in Russia to the advantage of the imperialist powers. Russia is trying to break the back of Ukraine to prevent this outcome.

*****

With NATO foreclosing a peace deal with terms that would finish the Putin government and prepare a NATO-backed assault against Crimea, the pressure is on the Russian government to escalate its way out of the situation. Meanwhile, Ukraine continues to develop its ability to strike at Russia.

However, the intensification of the war and its costs mean strengthening opposition in the working class. Klepach warned, “No one expected the February Revolution, let me remind you. Lenin wrote in December 1916 that ‘we won’t live to see it,’ but he did just a few months later.”

This is the deathly fear of the Russian and Ukrainian oligarchies both, driving their repression of anti-war sentiment.

The most significant political prisoner of the war, because he represents what the ruling class most fears, is Bogdan Syrotiuk. Sentenced to 15 years by a Ukrainian court for six articles written for the World Socialist Web Site, he is a fighter for the united socialist struggle of Russian, Ukrainian and European workers against the war.

Only by taking up the revolutionary internationalist perspective fought for by Bogdan and the International Committee of the Fourth International can the working class fight its way out of the bloodbath in Russia-Ukraine and the catastrophe looming over Europe. 

11. Trump turns screws on South Korea to join Iran war

Incensed by South Korea’s refusal to join the US war of aggression against Iran, Trump has unilaterally reduced major joint war games that began Monday and announced plans for talks with North Korea.

12. Australia: SEP meeting discusses how to fight Labor government’s attack on National Disability Insurance Scheme

Speakers exposed the disastrous consequences of the evisceration of the NDIS and its impact on the disabled and their families, and the jobs and conditions of health, education and welfare workers.

13. Ukrainian government reinters another Nazi collaborator

The fascistic Ukrainian regime under President Volodymyr Zelensky has repatriated the remains of the founder of the fascist Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), Yehven Konovalets, from the Crooswijk cemetery in Rotterdam, where his body has lain since his assassination by Soviet agent Pavel Sudoplatov in 1938. 

Konovalets’ OUN was subsequently led by the Nazi collaborator Andriy Melnkyk, from whom Konovalets was inseparable. The OUN went on to collaborate in the Holocaust of European Jewry and the Nazi war of extermination against the Soviet Union, in which at least 27 million people were murdered. Konovalets was himself a remorseless fascist and a collaborator with German imperialism in Ukraine since the Civil War that followed the 1917 October Revolution, in which he fought against and was defeated by the Bolsheviks.

Zelensky personally participated in the ceremony and delivered a speech glorifying Konovalets as a national hero. “We are returning home an outstanding son of the Ukrainian people,” he declared. “This is an exemplary warrior and a significant statesman of Ukraine, Colonel Yevhen Konovalets. Together with him, Ukraine has returned a part of itself, of its memory, of Ukrainian experience, of our national history, of all those who lived and fought for Ukraine, our independence, and an independent state at various times. Colonel Yevhen Konovalets is exactly such a figure.”

Zelensky’s personal role gives the lie to all claims that the glorification of Ukrainian fascism is a marginal phenomenon or merely the activity of isolated far-right forces. The head of the Ukrainian state has openly placed himself at the center of the rehabilitation of the OUN and its leaders as “national heroes.”

14.  International support surges for jailed Ukrainian socialist Bogdan Syrotiuk

Bogdan Syrotiuk with a copy of John Reed's Ten Days That Shook the World

The wave of opposition to this political frame-up has continued to broaden.

Ukrainian Holocaust historian Marta Havryshko, who has extensively documented the role of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and other far-right and pro-Nazi forces in horrific atrocities during WWII and in contemporary Ukrainian politics, signed the petition on Monday.

“Bogdan is a victim of political repression in Ukraine under Zelensky,” she wrote. “We must protect him.”

Volodymyr Ishchenko, a Ukrainian political sociologist at the Osteuropa-Institut of the Free University of Berlin, commented Tuesday that the prosecution “looks like a typical case of fabricated evidence and framing against Syrotiuk.”

Ishchenko noted that one of the sensational claims originally circulated by the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU)—concerning a Russian military uniform and epaulettes allegedly found during the search of Bogdan’s home—“did not even make it into the main part of the verdict. Even the prosecutor did not use it.”

His comments underscore the fraudulent character of the prosecution. When Bogdan was arrested in April 2024, the SBU publicly portrayed him as an agent of Russia. More than two years later, the court convicted him without establishing any act of espionage or concrete collaboration with the Russian state. A 65-page expert report by leading Ukrainian criminologist Yuri Irkhin found no propaganda in Bogdan’s writings supporting the Russian invasion. Even a subsequent state-commissioned examination found no calls for overthrowing the government, seizing power, committing subversive acts or altering Ukraine’s borders.

Pascal Lottaz, associate professor for Neutrality Studies at Kyoto University’s Faculty of Law and Hakubi Center, shared Havryshko’s comments on the case. Referring to Bogdan’s criticism of “the glorification of the OUN and UPA, the Waffen-SS Galicia Division, and the use of Nazi and far-right imagery in the military, including Azov and other units,” Lottaz wrote:

“15 years of prison for criticizing” these forces. “I’m certain this news won’t make it to mainstream.”

Irish journalist Chay Bowes, who has more than 289,000 followers on X, circulated the WSWS petition appeal, writing: “15 years for daring to tell the truth. 15 years for challenging the Dictatorship. Ukraine is a basket case Dictatorship. Zelensky is a criminal.”

French investigative journalist and documentary filmmaker Paul Moreira, of Premières Lignes, shared the WSWS statement on Bogdan’s sentencing, commenting in French: “15 years in prison for this Trotskyist journalist critical of” the Ukrainian government.

French journalist Alexis Poulin also took up Bogdan’s case on his program Le revue de presse avec Alexis Poulin, calling on his audience of more than 320,000 followers to sign the petition demanding Bogdan’s freedom.

The Italian international-reportage outlet InsideOver published an extensive report on Bogdan’s sentencing Tuesday. The article drew attention both to Havryshko’s research on the neo-Nazi networks embedded in the Ukrainian military and to the denial of necessary medical care to Bogdan during his more than two years in detention.

*****

Italian artist Costantino Ciervo, whose exhibition COMUNE—The Paradox of Similarity in the Middle East Conflict has itself faced attempted censorship on false allegations of antisemitism, declared his support for Bogdan.

Ciervo stated that if Bogdan was being prosecuted for exposing “Ukraine’s historical culpability in abetting the Nazi advance during the Second World War,” this was “not a crime, but a plain historical truth.”

“To be incarcerated for articulating what every pre-eminent historian has repeatedly affirmed in public is nothing short of criminal and scandalous,” he wrote.

Berlin author, publicist and songwriter Wolfgang Herzberg sent a protest letter to the Pervomaisk City District Court, with a copy to the WSWS. He called on the court to “immediately overturn the harsh sentence against Mr. Bogdan Syrotiuk.”

“He merely exercised his right to freedom of expression, which is constitutionally protected in Western democracies, including Germany,” Herzberg wrote. “Ukraine wants to become a member of the EU. It therefore cannot issue such a miscarriage of justice when there is apparently no evidence of concrete, conspiratorial—that is, military—collaboration with Russia.”

Herzberg wrote that he, too, is a staunch opponent of war and stressed that opposition to the war “against both sides” was entirely legitimate and covered by the democratic right to freedom of expression.

The Partisan Defence Committee (Britain), which had already protested Bogdan’s arrest, signed the petition Monday. “The Partisan Defence Committee (Britain) protested Bogdan’s arrest and will strongly add our voice to the growing chorus of protest at this outrageous sentence,” it stated. The organization subsequently issued an appeal on social media: “Free Bogdan Syrotiuk! … sign and circulate it today.”

The Communist Party of Sweden has now also covered the case in its newspaper Riktpunkt. While explicitly noting its political differences with Trotskyism, the article insists on the fundamental democratic principle involved. “Political texts, criticism of the government or demands for international workers’ unity cannot in themselves be equated with high treason,” it states.

*****

Sheldon Richard from Canada wrote: “Bogdan correctly stated that pressure from both sides of the border was the true way to end the war, and for that he was jailed. I assumed that constitutionally protected free speech was a hallmark of the democratic nation of Ukraine.”

Loren Parker in the United States commented: “The Ukrainian regime can’t pretend to be a besieged citadel of democracy when it persecutes dissidents for speech—especially speech which says nothing untrue.”

From New Zealand, Alexia George wrote: “He is a young man who does not support war and has chosen to write about peace between Ukrainians and Russians, not from a pro Russian or Ukrainian position but from a position that values life and peace. That is not treason.”

Jonathan Hall in Britain pointed directly to the internationalist content of Bogdan’s politics: “The spurious charge of ‘treason,’ for which he is condemned, is an instrument of the nationalism which pits the Ukrainian and Russian working classes against each other.”

Brian Dick, from the United States, wrote: “The Zelensky regime has jailed a 27-year-old socialist for 15 years—not for spying, not for sabotage, but for ideas. His books and leaflets were ordered destroyed.”

*****

German supporter Gustav Kemper noted that August 19 marks the 90th anniversary of the beginning of the First Moscow Trial, in which the Stalinist bureaucracy began the public show trials that provided the judicial framework for the extermination of the leaders of the October Revolution and socialist opposition.

“The verdict against Bogdan,” Kemper wrote, “is an attempt by the ‘Western democracies’ to revive the politics of the Moscow Trials because they fear the growing influence of the Fourth International.”

*****

The International Committee of the Fourth International and WSWS will intensify the campaign for Bogdan’s freedom.

We call on workers and young people, critical intellectuals and academics, artists and journalists, trade unions, civil liberties organizations and anti-war groups throughout the world: Take up Bogdan’s defense. Sign and circulate the petition. Pass resolutions demanding his freedom. Send protest letters to the Ukrainian courts. Break the media silence surrounding his case.

Write to the Pervomaisk City District Court at inbox@pm.mk.court.gov.ua and the Mykolaiv Court of Appeal at inbox@mka.court.gov.ua, with a copy to freebogdan@wsws.org, demanding that Bogdan’s conviction be overturned and that he be released immediately.

The defense of Bogdan is inseparably connected to the fight against war, dictatorship and fascism. His freedom must be won through the mobilization of the international working class and all principled defenders of democratic rights.

Sign the petition at wsws.org/freebogdan and join the fight to free Bogdan Syrotiuk! 

15.  Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

The fight for the Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist's freedom is an essential component of the struggle against imperialist war, genocide, dictatorship and fascism.