Jun 5, 2026

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today: 

1. United Kingdom: Who is prospective Labour Party leader and prime minister, Andy Burnham?—Part One

Labour is presiding over a social catastrophe, including the deepest levels of poverty in 30 years, and trailing the far-right Reform, the Conservatives and the Greens in general election polls. If he successfully becomes an MP, Burnham is expected to challenge Starmer for the Labour leadership and to replace him in Downing Street.

2. Local authorities in Jalisco, Mexico move to silence well-known labor rights activist Luis Daniel Prieto Moreno

The World Socialist Web Site condemns in the strongest terms the latest attempt by local authorities in Lagos de Moreno, Jalisco, to silence Luis Daniel Prieto Moreno, a labor rights activist and churro vendor known locally as 'Churros el Brayan.'

Municipal officials, acting through compliant courts and coordinated legal harassment, have obtained a court order barring Prieto Moreno from approaching the seat of local government where he has long exercised his constitutional right to protest in this city in central Mexico.

Seven separate criminal complaints have been filed against him, including by four councilwomen connected to the administration of municipal president Edgar González of the right-wing Movimiento Ciudadano party.

These measures represent a sharp escalation of a years-long campaign of state and corporate persecution against a worker who has committed no act of violence and whose only offense has been to speak the truth. 

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Prieto Moreno has maintained a regular protest presence outside the Lagos de Moreno municipal presidency, using hand-lettered signs and chants to denounce corruption and abuse of power by local officials. His latest protests have focused on two issues: accusations that municipal police chief Miguel Ángel Pinzón was involved in the forced disappearance of Luis Fernando Cervantes Moya, a twenty-two-year-old mechanic who vanished in February 2024 following an alleged detention by municipal police on a local highway, with authorities subsequently refusing to provide his family any information about his whereabouts.

The second involves labor exploitation at EML (Estructuras y Montajes de Lagos), a multimillion-peso construction and infrastructure firm owned by municipal president Edgar González himself.

It takes considerable courage to speak publicly on either of these matters. Lagos de Moreno is one of the municipalities in Mexico with the highest number of disappeared persons—more than 600—and has a long history of repression.

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The response from the state and corporate interests has been relentless. A local labor official sent municipal police armed with machine guns to arrest him under a falsified rape accusation. In late 2017, his original organizing page was also shut down by Facebook. On January 31, 2018, two assailants beat him with a metal pipe outside his home, and months later his car was set on fire in an act of arson.

In February 2019, thugs attempted a nighttime home invasion days after he published a solidarity video for US autoworkers. In July 2020, police pointed guns at him to force him to move his churro cart. In early 2021, he was illegally arrested on orders from the then-mayor while peacefully protesting outside city hall; during the detention, which was carried out without a warrant, officers slashed his clothing with a knife and filmed him in an attempt at public humiliation before being compelled to release him.

The case of Luis Daniel Prieto Moreno illustrates with stark clarity the character of capitalist rule in Mexico and internationally. A worker who sells churros for a living, who protests with hand-written signs in front of a public building, who operates a Facebook page—this is what the municipal government of Lagos de Moreno, backed by the judicial apparatus of Jalisco, has mobilized its full legal and political resources to suppress. The reason is not difficult to understand: Prieto Moreno connects corporate exploitation to political power and refuses to be silenced.

To oppose the growing attacks on their democratic rights, workers internationally must recognize that the ruling classes operate like a mafia to suppress opposition, and must respond by organizing independent rank-and-file workplace and neighborhood committees entirely free from pro-capitalist trade unions and political parties, which have repeatedly failed to protect workers and have instead facilitated state repression.

As workers from the United States have expressed their solidarity with Luis Daniel Prieto Moreno, the international working class is the most powerful force in history when it stands as a unified body—animated by the conviction that an injury to one is an injury to all, and capable of transforming individual acts of courage into a coordinated global struggle against corporate and state violence.

3. Sri Lankan apparel company ELPHIS LANKA locks out workers for taking action demanding job security

Sri Lankan apparel company ELPHIS LANKA, located in Ekala, about eight miles from Colombo, closed its factory gates on May 25 to more than 500 employees who had begun a go-slow protest during the previous week, demanding job security. 

The employees, most of them women, launched the action on May 19 after learning that the Korean-owned company was planning to sell the factory to an unknown company. The facility, which has been operating since October 1991, produces jackets, blouses, trousers and blazers for export markets.

They were informed by the company on Sunday, May 24 that the factory would be closed from the next day. When they arrived on Monday morning, they found a notice pasted on the gate—supposedly by the “new owner”—stating that “the institution will not reopen until you inform us in writing through the Deputy Labour Commissioner of the Ja-Ela Labour Office that you agree to cease your illegal strike actions and return to work.”

This allegation is spurious because it was, in fact, illegal for ELPHIS to transfer employees to another company without their knowledge and without clarifying what their job security and working conditions would be.

Some worker activists rushed to the nearby Ja-Ela Labour Office and then to the Gampaha District Labour Office to discuss their problems. However, officials turned them away, telling them to lodge a complaint with the Labour Department.

The workers entered into struggle spontaneously; the Ceylon Mercantile, Industrial and General Workers Union (CMU) did not intervene on their behalf. 

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All sections of the working class face the same assault on living conditions and democratic rights, as the government seeks to impose the burden of the global fuel crisis on the working class, on top of austerity measures demanded by the International Monetary Fund.

Apparel workers must build their own action committees in every factory, excluding trade union bureaucrats and all capitalist parties from these committees. This will enable them to unite with workers in other sectors in a common struggle to defend jobs, wages and working conditions.

Sri Lankan workers must unite with their class brothers and sisters across Asia and in every country, who are being driven into struggles against the same attacks, often imposed by multinational corporations. To coordinate their struggles internationally, workers must join and fight to build the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC).

This struggle must be guided by a socialist political perspective, aimed at abolishing the capitalist system, and establishing workers’ ownership and control over the means of production. 

4. Florida executes Andrew Lukehart, eighth victim of DeSantis death machine in 2026

Lukehart was convicted of first-degree murder and aggravated child abuse in Duval County for the February 25, 1996, death of Gabrielle Hanshaw, the five-month-old daughter of his girlfriend, Misty Rhue. On the afternoon of the killing, Rhue took her two-year-old, who had been ill, to a bedroom for a nap. Lukehart was left to care for Gabrielle in another room.

At approximately 5 p.m., Rhue heard her car start in the driveway and looked out to see Lukehart driving away. She could not find the baby. About 30 minutes later, Lukehart called from a convenience store and told Rhue to call 911, claiming the baby had been kidnapped. That evening, Lukehart was found without shirt or shoes in rural Clay County, his car abandoned nearby with the engine running.

During questioning the following day, Lukehart told a Clay County Sheriff’s lieutenant that he had dropped Gabrielle on her head and then shaken her and that the baby had died at Rhue’s residence. He said he had panicked, left the house and thrown the baby’s body into a pond, where law enforcement recovered the infant’s body.

At trial in February 1997, Lukehart chose to testify in his own defense. He described how, while changing Gabrielle’s diaper on the floor, the baby repeatedly pushed up on her elbows. He testified that he forcefully and repeatedly pushed her head and neck onto the floor, using what he described as “quite a bit” of force, “until the last time I did it she just stopped moving.” He said he tried mouth-to-mouth resuscitation and, when the baby did not revive, panicked and drove to a rural area, also accidentally hitting her head on the car door as he got out. He acknowledged at trial that he did not intend to kill Gabrielle but was responsible for her death.

The jury recommended death by a vote of 9 to 3, a fact that would take on constitutional significance as his appeals extended across nearly three decades. 

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The crime for which Lukehart was executed cannot be separated from the life that produced him. The evidence presented at the penalty phase, and developed through years of subsequent litigation, describes an individual who had been systematically destroyed long before he ever came before a judge. 

Lukehart’s father was an alcoholic who physically and emotionally abused him and his sister, until Lukehart was at least four or five years old. When he was approximately 10, an uncle who had been his primary supporter and confidant died. Around the same time, another uncle began sexually abusing him. When he was 17 or 18, his sister Jennifer was killed in a car accident, a loss that left him nearly suicidal.

Lukehart showed signs of psychological disturbance from childhood. His parents, unaware of the sexual abuse and unable to grasp the full extent of his problems, sent him sporadically to counseling. By the time he was 16, counseling records described him as “clearly a disturbed individual” and noted that family dynamics had contributed significantly to his emotional deterioration. In ninth grade, a teacher reported fearing he would harm himself. His father gave him his first drink of alcohol at age 4; by 13, he was drinking heavily. He began using marijuana at age 8.

A forensic psychologist, Dr. Harry Krop, evaluated Lukehart after the crime and testified at the penalty phase that he remained a “seriously disturbed individual.” Dr. Krop diagnosed him with intermittent explosive disorder, substance abuse—especially alcohol—post-traumatic stress disorder arising from childhood sexual abuse, and a personality disorder with antisocial, immature and borderline features. He further testified that Lukehart’s IQ of 79 placed him in the borderline range of intellectual disability. 

In Dr. Krop’s assessment, Lukehart acted violently that day because he could not cope with trying and failing to care for a crying infant, and whatever he did to stop her crying seemed only to escalate the situation.

Three of the 12 jurors who voted on Lukehart’s sentence agreed that this history was sufficient to spare his life. Under Florida law as it existed at the time of his trial, that was not enough. 

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Lukehart’s execution is the eighth carried out in Florida this year and is inseparable from the systematic acceleration of capital punishment that DeSantis has made a centerpiece of his political tenure. In 2025, DeSantis oversaw 19 executions—the most in a single year in Florida’s modern history, more than double the previous record of eight set in 1984 and matched in 2014. After carrying out no executions in 2020, 2021 or 2022, Florida executed six people in 2023, one in 2024 and then surged to 19 in 2025. The state currently has more than 250 inmates on death row.

The pace of Florida executions has been matched by legislative changes designed to lower the legal barriers to carrying out death sentences. In 2023, DeSantis signed legislation reducing the jury threshold for a death sentence recommendation from unanimous to 8 of 12 jurors—one of the lowest standards in the country. Under the previous system, a single holdout juror could block a death sentence. Under the new law, prosecutors need the agreement of only two-thirds of the panel to send a defendant to death row.

Florida’s death penalty surge does not operate in isolation. It functions as both a model for and an expression of the Trump administration’s national death penalty program. On his first day in office, Trump signed an executive order titled “Restoring the Death Penalty and Protecting Public Safety,” directing the attorney general to pursue capital punishment “for all crimes of a severity demanding its use” and specifically targeting the murders of law enforcement officers and capital crimes committed by undocumented immigrants. 

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As the World Socialist Web Site has documented across months and years of coverage of the American death penalty’s relentless advance, the common thread in case after case is the same: defendants shaped by poverty, abuse, neglect and untreated illness; legal proceedings their attorneys say failed to adequately present that history to the juries that decided whether they would live or die; and a political establishment that has made the demonstration of the state’s capacity to kill a tool of social intimidation directed at the working class.

5. Trump taps personal fixers to lead Justice Department and intelligence apparatus

This week President Donald Trump moved to elevate Todd Blanche to attorney general and install Bill Pulte as acting director of national intelligence, a further stage in the transformation of the state apparatus into a personal instrument of presidential dictatorship.

Neither appointment is based on competence, independence or adherence to the Constitution. Both men have been selected because they have demonstrated unconditional loyalty to Trump and a willingness to use state power against his political opponents. 

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The response of the Democrats has been to frame their opposition almost entirely in terms of “national security” and the smooth functioning of the intelligence apparatus. Their central concern is not that Trump is erecting a dictatorship, but that his appointments could complicate the reauthorization of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the warrantless spying authority used by the US government to surveil foreign targets while sweeping up the communications of Americans.

Representative Jim Himes, the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, complained that installing Pulte days before the expiration of Section 702 was “a stupider thing to do” than almost anything he could imagine. Representative Adam Schiff likewise warned that Pulte’s appointment would make it more difficult to secure votes for the surveillance program.

These statements expose the Democrats’ real priorities. They do not oppose the intelligence agencies, mass surveillance or the apparatus of repression. They fear that Trump’s blatant personalist use of these institutions will undermine bipartisan support for the very police-state powers they have long defended.

The appointments of Blanche and Pulte demonstrate that Trump’s second administration is not merely staffed by loyalists. It is being organized as a personal dictatorship, in which the Justice Department, financial regulators and intelligence agencies are subordinated to the president’s vendettas and the interests of the fascist movement around him.

6. Minnesota Republicans observe moment of silence for Derek Chauvin, police officer who murdered George Floyd

On the second day of the Minnesota Republican Party convention in Duluth, Minnesota, delegates approved a motion to hold a minute of silence for Derek Chauvin, the former Minneapolis police officer convicted in the 2020 murder of George Floyd. 

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The moment of silence at the Duluth convention drew the mildest of objections from Democratic Party officials who called it “inappropriate and offensive.” For Republicans, the call for Chauvin’s exoneration was not objected to but, according to the Associated Press, there were expressions of concern that the action was politically damaging.

The reactionary moment of silence at the convention in Duluth takes place while there is an ongoing campaign in far right and fascist circles challenging Chauvin’s conviction. Arguments that Floyd’s death was primarily caused by drug abuse or underlying health conditions have been circulating since his death and were presented as evidence during Chauvin’s court proceedings.

These claims were rejected by the jury after extensive expert testimony. Legal analysts and medical experts cited by the Washington Post and NPR have noted that the jury’s verdict reflected the weight of video evidence and medical findings presented at trial.

Additionally, in exchange for a capped federal sentence, Chauvin admitted that he willfully deprived George Floyd of his constitutional right to be free from unreasonable force. He acknowledged that he kept his knee on Floyd’s neck and back even after Floyd lost consciousness and stopped breathing.

Chauvin also admitted to willfully violating Floyd’s rights by failing to provide him with medical aid when he was in distress and had stopped breathing.

Meanwhile, the renewed campaign to exonerate Chauvin is taking place following the murders of Renée Nicole Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis in January 2026 by federal immigration officials and ICE agents. While these murders were also captured on smartphone video from multiple angles along with police body cameras and have been seen by tens of millions of people, no charges have been brought against the killers of Good and Pretti. 

7. American Axle workers defy strikebreaking as workers press for broader walkout across auto industry

One thousand American Axle workers continue their walkout which began on Monday against the key auto supplier and are reporting efforts by the company to move product across their picket lines while provocations against pickets have been reportedly instigated by company security guards.

8. ECB reports shift away from US Treasury bonds towards gold

The annual report on the international role of the euro published by the European Central Bank (ECB) this week points to the growing fragmentation of the global financial system amid attempts to shift away from dependence on the US dollar.

The most striking figure to emerge from the report was the decline in the proportion of US Treasury bonds in the reserves held by central banks and the increase in the use of gold as a reserve asset.

Gold bullion accounted for 27 percent of all global central bank reserves at the end of 2025, a marked jump from the level of 20 percent at the end of 2024.

Some of this was a result of the rapid increase in the price of gold in 2025 when it rose by 60 percent, which boosted the value of central bank holdings, despite a small slowdown in purchases from more than 1,000 tonnes over the previous three years to 850 tonnes.

However, the trend is unmistakable. Correspondingly, the share of the US Treasury bonds fell from 25 percent to 22 percent over the last year. Dollar-denominated assets remained the highest proportion of reserves, coming in at 42 percent.

Stocks of gold are now the second highest component of reserves, having eclipsed the euro last year. 

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Apart from dollar weaponization, there is another significant reason for the marked shift out of US Treasury bonds. It centers on the growing concern that the US financial position, expressed in the exponential growth of government debt—now at more than $39 trillion and an annual interest bill of around $1 trillion—is unsustainable.

The position of the US financial establishment is that the present level of record debt can be sustained, but its rate of increase cannot. All three major global credit rating agencies have downgraded the US credit rating from their top level.

US Treasuries have long been regarded as the safest asset in the world, but that is now being increasingly called into question under conditions where the US financial system has undergone a series of major crises, including the 2008 crash and the freezing of the Treasury market in March 2020 at the start of the pandemic. 

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The report issued a reassurance that while gold had achieved a significant milestone as a reserve asset, this was not sustainable.

“Going forward, gold faces limitation as an official reserve asset compared with the major fiat currencies” and does not adjust seamlessly to “shifts in international demand for liquidity.”

That may well be true as far as it goes. But this analysis omits one of the central functions of gold as a store of value. Unlike fiat currencies, of which the dollar and the euro are the two most prominent and which can be created by central banks at the press of a computer button, gold is real value in that it embodies human labor. This property becomes crucial if confidence in fiat currencies is undermined.

And that trend is developing. At present, central banks hold almost as much gold as they did in the days when the international financial system functioned under the Bretton Woods system established in 1944 when the dollar was backed by gold at the rate of $35 per ounce. Today the price of gold is around $4,500 per ounce, signifying the precipitous decline in the real value of the dollar since the Bretton Woods system was abrogated with the removal of the gold backing in 1971.

The international monetary system was reconstituted on the basis of the dollar now operating purely as a fiat currency and with Treasury bonds issued by the US forming the central pillar of its operations.

The fact that US debt is being steadily replaced by gold as a store of value, as set out in the ECB report, is a sure sign that the international monetary system is coming under increasing stress. That does not mean it is headed for an immediate crisis, but it does indicate the fundamental trend of developments.

9. Opposition mounts to 4th UAW-backed contract at Nexteer: “They haven't changed anything”

Like previous TAs, the latest proposal does not include any protection against layoffs, under conditions in which as many as 300 to 400 workers face job elimination over the next years through automation and consolidation. 

10. A reply to Edward Luce of the Financial Times on youth radicalization

David North: 

"... Mr. Luce correctly detects a process of radicalization among the world’s youth. The question is, at what point will this radicalization break beyond the bounds of the media-vetted pseudo-leftism of people like Sanders and Mamdani and reestablish contact with the genuine Marxian-socialist political perspective and culture that was exemplified in the October Revolution and figures like Lenin, Trotsky and Luxemburg. This break must and will occur, and the rediscovery of Trotsky’s extraordinary political legacy and writings will be a critical element of the reemergence of Marxism as a mass socialist movement based on the working class." 

11. NATO and Ukraine escalate war against Russia

The NATO war against Russia has reached a new stage. On Wednesday, Ukraine launched drone attacks in St. Petersburg, Russia’s second-largest city. Black clouds of smoke rose over the St. Petersburg Oil Terminal as the International Economic Forum opened in the city. According to reports, the Kronstadt naval base and other military targets were also attacked.

The attack is part of a series of increasing and ever more far-reaching Ukrainian drone and missile strikes on Russian energy facilities, airfields, arms factories, command centers, and military infrastructure—some of them hundreds of kilometers behind the front.

Ukraine is not carrying out these attacks alone. They are politically covered, militarily enabled, technologically supported, and strategically coordinated by the NATO powers, particularly Germany.

The latest attacks implement what Berlin and Kiev have publicly agreed to in recent weeks. When Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was received with military honors in Berlin in mid-April, the two governments signed a “strategic partnership” that codifies a deepening of war cooperation. 

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The attack on St. Petersburg underscores that the NATO powers are crossing every red line. Russia has repeatedly warned that attacks with Western weapons on Russian territory could lead to countermeasures, including beyond Ukraine. As early as April, the Russian Defense Ministry published the addresses of German arms companies after Berlin announced that it would develop long-range weapons and drones together with Ukraine for attacks on Russia. 

The imperialist powers respond to every Russian warning with absolute recklessness, risking nuclear war. They are not only consciously accepting that the conflict could turn into a direct war between NATO and Russia, they are working toward it. Through ever more far-reaching attacks on Russian territory, maneuvers on Russia’s borders, additional NATO troops in Eastern Europe, and the expansion of Europe’s war potential, Moscow is to be provoked into a response that could then serve as a pretext for NATO’s official entry into the war.

None of this has anything to do with the defense of “democracy,” “freedom,” or “human rights.” The war in Ukraine is the result of decades of NATO’s eastward expansion, the systematic transformation of Ukraine into a military outpost against Russia, and the right-wing coup in Kiev in 2014 supported by Washington and Berlin. Since the Russian invasion in February 2022, the NATO powers have continuously expanded the war.

It is about imperialist interests: the control of Ukraine, rich in raw materials and geostrategically positioned; the weakening and ultimately the dismemberment of Russia; access to the raw materials and markets of the Eurasian landmass; and the redivision of the world among the major imperialist powers.

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The European powers treat the Ukrainian people as cannon fodder for their own imperialist interests. At the same time, the massive military expenditures, including a German military budget that will explode to more than €200 billion per year in the coming years, will be paid for through brutal attacks on the working class: social cuts, pension cuts, wage reductions, job cuts, the destruction of public services and the militarization of schools, universities and workplaces.

The fight against the madness of war also requires the rejection of the reactionary policies of the Putin regime. The Russian invasion of Ukraine was not a progressive or anti-imperialist response to the decades-long encirclement of Russia by NATO. It was the desperate and reactionary response of a capitalist oligarchic regime that emerged out of the Stalinist destruction of the Soviet Union and the restoration of capitalism. Putin’s policy has suffered a complete shipwreck. His entire strategy has been an attempt to win the Russian oligarchy a recognized place within the world capitalist order through an accommodation with imperialism.

The International Committee of the Fourth International has sought to unify the workers of Ukraine and Russia in opposition to war from the beginning. In its first statement immediately after the start of the war, the ICFI explicitly denounced “the Russian military intervention in Ukraine” and stated, “Despite the provocations and threats by the US and NATO powers, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine must be opposed by socialists and class-conscious workers.” The statement declared:

The catastrophe that was set in motion by the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 cannot be averted on the basis of Russian nationalism, a thoroughly reactionary ideology that serves the interests of the capitalist ruling class represented by Vladimir Putin… The invasion of Ukraine, whatever the justifications given by the Putin regime, will serve only to divide the Russian and Ukrainian working class and, moreover, serve the interests of US and European imperialism.

This analysis has been fully confirmed. Putin initiated the war with a furious attack on the October Revolution and on Lenin. In his speech before the invasion, he attacked the Bolsheviks for recognizing Ukraine’s national self-determination and the founding of the Soviet Union as a voluntary union of equal republics. In this way, he made clear that his regime completely rejects the revolutionary and internationalist traditions of 1917 and adopts the Great Russian chauvinism of Tsarism. 

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Workers in Ukraine and Russia have no interest in slaughtering one another for the interests of rival oligarchs and imperialist powers. Workers in Germany, France, Britain, the United States and throughout Europe have no interest in sacrificing their wages, pensions, schools, hospitals and ultimately their lives for the great power plans of their ruling classes.

The slogan that must be counterposed to the war is not the defense of one or another nation-state, but socialist internationalism: For the unity of Russian and Ukrainian workers! Against NATO imperialism and against the Putin regime! For the building of an international socialist anti-war movement of the working class!

12. 2026 World Cup overshadowed by war, repression and sky-high ticket prices

With the first match just days away, the 2026 FIFA World Cup is shaping up to be the most expensive and politically charged sporting events in history. Unfolding across the United States, Mexico and Canada from June 11 to July 19, it is the largest tournament ever staged—48 teams, 104 matches, 16 host cities. Corporate sponsors have poured hundreds of millions into it. FIFA expects to generate over $11 billion in revenue across the four-year cycle. Promotional videos speak of “unity,” “passion” and the universal language of football. The message is relentless: for one glorious month, the world comes together.

But one need not look too far beneath the surface to uncover the grotesque reality behind the spectacle. The 2026 World Cup opens as the United States wages an active war of aggression against Iran, prepares for war against Cuba and continues both its material support for the genocide in Gaza and its missile murder spree against fishermen off the waters of South America. At home, it is conducting mass arrests and deportations of immigrant workers at a pace unprecedented in US history as part of a drive to consolidate a dictatorial regime against the working class.

To hold the world’s premier football tournament in this environment—co-hosted by the very state machinery driving these catastrophes—invites an obvious comparison: Argentina’s blood-soaked military dictatorship hosting the 1978 World Cup, where political prisoners in the infamous Navy Mechanics School (ESMA) could hear the roar of the stadium crowds from the dungeons where they were being tortured. 

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US officials have warned that ICE immigration enforcement agents will be deployed at every stadium and every match. While acting-Secretary of Homeland Security Markwayne Mullin claimed that this anti-immigrant gestapo would not be conducting mass roundups, he insisted: “ICE always does immigration enforcement—but we’re not there solely for that purpose. We’re in there to do our job.” ICE will operate in coordination with the FBI and the Secret Service.

Meanwhile, Trump’s travel bans, which by mid-2025 covered 19 countries affecting over 400 million people, have created an obstacle course for fans from Muslim-majority nations, from African nations with high rates of visa denial and from Latin America. The “world coming together” in 2026 will be a carefully screened world.

Workers at SoFi Stadium in Los Angeles have threatened to strike if ICE agents are deployed there during World Cup matches. “ICE should have no role in these games,” declared stadium cook Isaac Martinez at a protest outside the venue. His concern is well-founded: FIFA’s requirement that stadium employees submit personal data before the tournament creates a direct pipeline to an agency with a documented record of detaining anyone deemed a potential “alien,” with legal status a secondary concern. 

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Concerns over the threat of abuse at the hands of US immigration authorities is a driving factor in what has already a massive fall-off in overall international tourism to the US. April 2026 visitor numbers were down 14.1 percent year over year, and four million fewer foreign visitors arrived in 2025 compared to 2024. 

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Iran qualified for the tournament and has announced its intention to participate. As of this writing, however, its delegation has not been granted visas to enter the United States, where its three initial matches are scheduled, and has been forced to relocate its training camp across the border in Tijuana, Mexico. Trump warned on social media that “the Iran National Soccer Team is welcome to the World Cup, but I really don’t believe it is appropriate that they be there, for their own life and safety”—a statement widely read as a veiled death threat directed at a delegation attempting to compete in an international sporting event.

The Democratic Republic of Congo has been targeted through a different mechanism. Congo qualified for its second World Cup after 52 years—a historic achievement. US authorities demanded a 21-day quarantine for the Congolese delegation, citing an Ebola outbreak, even though every member of Congo’s squad plays professionally in Europe and none have visited the country since the outbreak began. Congolese fans are barred under a US entry ban imposed against the DRC over Ebola. The United States—which recorded over 103 million COVID-19 cases and 1.2 million deaths, the worst pandemic record of any nation on earth—invoked public health as pretext for an exercise in humiliation rooted in what can only be described as imperial contempt for the African continent. 

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Beyond the police-state apparatus and geopolitical provocations, the economic structure of the 2026 World Cup makes its class character unmistakable. For the first time in the tournament’s 23-edition history, ticket prices are governed not by fixed tiers but by “dynamic pricing”—the market mechanism previously confined to American domestic sports and stadium concerts, where prices fluctuate to whatever wealthy bidders are prepared to pay. 

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Total tournament revenue is projected at $665 million—a 34 percent increase over the previous edition. FIFA’s stated goal is to “support positive social change,” but as University of Notre Dame economist Professor Richard Sheehan, author of Keeping Score: The Economics of Big Time Sports, notes, that claim is “belied by a track record of corruption and lack of transparency.”

The clubs themselves are owned by the global oligarchs. Chelsea FC belongs to Todd Boehly ($9.3 billion). Paris Saint-Germain belongs to the Qatari royal family. According to Forbes, 3,428 billionaires exist worldwide alongside nearly 30,000 individuals with fortunes exceeding $100 million. To this social layer, listing a World Cup final ticket at $2.3 million is not an outrage—it is a rational business decision. 

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The commercialization of the sport has extracted other costs less visible than ticket prices. Elite footballers once played around 50 matches per year; today it has climbed to 70, driven by FIFA’s tournament expansion and relentless commercial pressure. Scientific assessments show this increase fundamentally disrupts cellular recovery, triples the probability of serious joint injury, and may reduce elite careers by three to five years. Meanwhile, the athletes’ extraordinary gifts—Messi’s uncanny ability to navigate defenders, Mbappé’s explosive acceleration—have been meticulously cultivated by sports corporations and transformed into brand assets generating hundreds of millions annually from merchandise, endorsements and broadcast rights. The players bear the cost in shortened careers and broken bodies. The owners collect the revenues.

FIFA boss Gianni Infantino set the tone for the tournament last December, awarding Trump the “inaugural FIFA Peace Prize”—an attempt to appeal to Trump’s bitter resentment at being passed over for the better known prize awarded by the Nobel Committee. Aside from providing another gold-plated ornament for the Oval Office, the prize symbolized the subordination of the Cup to the would-be American fuhrer and the fusion of the corrupt aims of FIFA and the Trump administration. It speaks volumes about the moral bankruptcy of football’s governing body.

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Trump responded by appointing himself chair of the World Cup organizing taskforce, conveniently headquartered in Trump Tower in Manhattan, signaling the intent to turn the tournament into one more crooked money stream for the Trump family. The tournament’s structure reflects the same hierarchy of power: the opening match is scheduled for the Estadio Azteca in Mexico City, but the quarterfinals, semifinals and the final are all assigned to US venues, along with seven of the eight round-of-sixteen matches. The geography of the tournament tracks precisely with the geography of imperial power.

The attempt to use the World Cup as an instrument of wealth extraction does not go unanswered. The threatened strike by SoFi Stadium workers is one expression of a broader pattern of resistance. In Mexico, teachers organized in the CNTE union have vowed to bring their protests and strikes over wages and pensions to the gates of the Azteca Stadium. Teachers demonstrated in Mexico City on Tuesday, blocking main roads through the capital and setting soccer balls alight as they faced repression from security forces using tear gas, rubber bullets and batons.

And the tournament’s own audience tells a more complicated story than its organizers intend: 75 percent of Americans know the US is hosting the World Cup, and roughly half plan to watch—but nearly a third are rooting for another country alongside or instead of the US, a testament to immigrant roots that no amount of nationalist demagogy can erase.  

Socialists do not share the ruling class’s contempt for sport. Football, at its most elemental level, is a magnificent expression of collective human creativity—skill, movement, cooperation, drama. The working class invented the game in its modern form; it is the working class that fills the lower tiers of stadiums and has driven the culture of the sport for more than a century.

What the 2026 World Cup represents, hosted under conditions of accelerating war and repression, is the attempt by a ruling class in crisis to paper over the class antagonisms tearing its society apart with 104 matches of carefully branded nationalism. Workers in the United States are told to cheer for “their” team—an affinity that supposedly unites them with a ruling class and its government that are filling detention camps with their neighbors, raising their food and fuel costs to pay for wars, and deploying armed thugs against citizens demanding democratic rights. The antidote to that nationalist appeal is not indifference to the sport, but political class consciousness: the recognition that a Mexican worker, an American worker and an Iranian worker share common class interests that no flag-waving can dissolve.

The game will be played. The well-healed crowds will roar. The television rights holders will profit magnificently. But the social contradictions this spectacle is designed to suppress—the inequality, the repression, the wars—will be resolved not on a football pitch, but in the intensifying global class struggle.

13. US House approves fraudulent resolution on Iran war

Wednesday’s vote in the House of Representatives directing President Trump to end military operations against Iran is a political fraud engineered by the Democratic Party, with the support of a handful of Republicans. It is unlikely to pass the Senate and would be vetoed by Trump if it did. He vetoed two such resolutions in his first term, in relation to US military operations in Yemen and Iran, and Congress did not override either veto.

The actual import of the resolution adopted by a 215-208 vote is to require Trump to get authorization for the war from Congress—meaning that there would be a further vote, and many if not most of those who voted “against” the Iran war on Wednesday would likely vote to authorize the war if given the chance.

In other words, the resolution is not an “anti-war” measure at all, but rather an appeal to Trump to make Congress a full partner in the war-making process, as required by the Constitution and further spelled out in the War Powers Act. 

*****

Representative Gregory Meeks (D-New York), the ranking Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee and the author of the resolution, said in a statement: “The passage of my War Powers Resolution is a significant bipartisan rebuke of President Trump’s illegal and costly war in Iran, and the first step toward ending it once and for all.”

The resolution is nothing of the sort. Its purpose is to allow the Democrats to posture as opponents of the war in the course of the midterm election campaign, while they reliably vote to fund the war and enable Trump and his fanatical Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth to order bombing and mass murder as they please. 

*****

There is no doubt that the majority of Americans are not merely tired of the war, but oppose it vehemently, not only for its economic impact in terms of gas prices and overall inflation, but as a continuation of the endless wars in the Middle East that every American president since George W. Bush, Democrat and Republican, has promised to end—promises that were never kept.

The New York Times gushed in its news coverage of the House action: “Adoption of the resolution was a remarkable rebuke to Mr. Trump and his handling of the conflict, after he has repeatedly dismissed any effort by Congress to curb his power and as the G.O.P. has largely ceded its prerogatives to do so, deferring to him time and again.”

It must be repeated: the resolution does nothing to stop the war or impede Trump. The Democrats are not seeking to end the war, only to gain a “seat at the table” so that they will have input into how the war is to be waged. 

*****

Soon after the passage of the Iran war resolution, Democrats won another victory in the Republican-controlled House, pushing through a procedural motion by a 218-204 margin, forcing the House to take up for consideration a bill to provide $9 billion more in aid and loans to the Ukraine government for the US-NATO war against Russia. Again, a unanimous Democratic caucus was joined by a handful of Republicans—six, in this case—to override the opposition of the House Republican leadership. Those voting to advance the Ukraine war funding included the entire “Squad” of representatives affiliated with or supported by the Democratic Socialists of America, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib, Greg Casar and Ilhan Omar. 

The Democrats thus demonstrated they are not “anti-war,” but only have different military priorities than Trump, wanting to focus far more on the Ukraine war and regarding Iran as something of a diversion.

*****

In its final action Thursday, the House approved the Ukraine aid package on which the Democrats had forced a vote. This time 18 Republicans broke with the White House and House Speaker Mike Johnson and sided with the Democrats. Every “left” Democrat voted for Ukraine war aid—Ocasio-Cortez, Tlaib, Casar, Summer Lee—with the exception of Ilhan Omar. 

14. United States: Bridgewater Interiors auto parts workers reject sellout while Dana workers set to vote on contract deal

Workers at Bridgewaters Interiors in Warren, Michigan, have voted to reject a tentative agreement while thousands of Dana auto parts workers are being kept in the dark ahead of imminent contract ratification votes. 

15. Australia: Queensland teachers in arbitration straitjacket, facing long pay freeze

After reluctantly calling a second statewide stoppage in November to head off teachers’ discontent, the QTU leadership shut down further industrial action and effectively joined hands with the state government to refer the dispute to compulsory arbitration. 

16. Southern California chemical crisis was one warning too many: Millions are living inside a ticking bomb

The GKN near-disaster is not an isolated incident. The EPA’s Office of Inspector General identified 25 high-priority facilities nationwide releasing ethylene oxide, a carcinogenic gas, at levels associated with elevated lifetime cancer risks. In 16 of those communities, residents had not even been informed of the danger.

California provides multiple examples. In the first five months of 2026 alone, the chemical incident tracker “Coalition to Prevent Chemical Disasters” reported nine accidents, including GKN Aerospace.  

***** 

Internationally, the same pattern has produced some of the worst industrial catastrophes in modern history: Minamata, Bhopal, Chernobyl, Fukushima and Rana Plaza, each exposing the deadly consequences of subordinating human life to profit.

The danger of hazardous facilities operating in close proximity to densely populated communities is increasing due to the policies of the state.

*****

In the US, the political responsibility for this situation lies entirely on both parties of American capitalism. EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin’s “Common Sense Approach to Chemical Accident Prevention” rule, formally proposed in February 2026, systematically destroyed existing safety standards. It eliminated independent third-party audits after chemical releases and deleted mandatory evaluation of climate and power-loss risks. It even rescinded worker rights to anonymously report safety hazards.

The Trump administration has gone further still, moving to shut down the Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board entirely, the independent agency responsible for investigating exactly the kinds of accidents that nearly destroyed Garden Grove last month.

In California, Governor Gavin Newsom, who positioned himself as a national Democratic leader and potential presidential candidate, has a record of suspending environmental protections when corporate interests demand it, vetoing California Senate Bill 674 in August 2024.

SB 674 would have established uniform statewide fenceline air monitoring, mandated real-time public alerts during toxic releases and required third-party audits within 14 days of any incident. These were not radical demands. They were minimal protections. Newsom vetoed them anyway, leaving communities in West Long Beach, Carson and Wilmington without basic access to real-time safety data.

Underlying all of this is the growing physical instability introduced by climate change, what industrial safety researchers call “Natech” events: natural hazards triggering technological disasters. The GKN crisis was a Natech event in embryo. Methyl methacrylate must be kept at or below 50°F to remain stable.

As Southern California summers shatter heat records, the thermal loads on industrial cooling systems increase dramatically and compound the probability of exactly the kind of valve failure that occurred on May 21. Capitalism has created the climate crisis while simultaneously destroying the regulatory infrastructure that might partially buffer its industrial consequences. 

*****

The international working class, including the workers who produce the chemicals, operate the refineries, live in the fenceline communities and breathe the contaminated air, is the only social force with both the interest and the capacity to impose rational, democratic control over industrial production. The working class cannot afford to wait for another near-miss.

17.  Workers Struggles: Africa & Europe

Africa

Ethiopia: 

Health workers continue strike over pay and conditions

Guinea: 

Mineworkers’ stoppage against low pay and dangerous working conditions

Nigeria: 

Oil workers at regulatory commission strike over wages and benefits
 
Teachers in Oyo State continue strike over abducted students and colleagues
 

South Africa: 

School transport operators in Eastern Cape districts withhold services due to lack of pay
 
Europe

Portugal:

Workers in nationwide general strike against government labour reforms, low pay and poor working conditions

Civil servants at migrant processing centres in Portugal strike over staff shortages and poor working conditions

Spain:

Thousands of teachers in Valencia continue indefinite strike against low pay, staff shortages and deteriorating conditions

United Kingdom:

Academic staff at Nottingham University, England begin two-month strike over job cuts

Support staff at London secondary school resume stoppages over threat to cut hours

Strike by cancer research staff at London facilities over pay

Stoppage by UK school examination board staff over pay

18. Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

The fight for the Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist's freedom is an essential component of the struggle against imperialist war, genocide, dictatorship and fascism.

Jun 4, 2026

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today: 

1. Workers and youth oppose Iran war and Labor’s austerity measures at meetings in Australia and NZ

“Workers should unite to fight. Workers are oppressed, but without them, the capitalists have no wealth.” 

2. Billionaire Trump backers smash up CBS “60 Minutes”

Oracle CEO Larry Ellison and his son David, CEO of Paramount, are seeking to convert CBS into another Trump mouthpiece like Fox News.

3. New EU Return Regulation: attacks on democratic right and mass expulsions

The European Parliament and EU states have agreed a new return regulation that abolishes the fundamental right to asylum and normalises collaboration with fascist parties. 

4. Likely Super El Niño will intensify climate change

Global warming is raising the probability that a Super El Niño will develop this year, resulting in widespread mixture of intense heat, drought and flooding around the world. This will have devastating impacts on billions of people. 

5. UAW bureaucracy releases “highlights” of fourth sellout deal at Nexteer

Rank-and-file workers have already denounced the deal as the same contract they have already rejected three times.

6. Victorian teachers oppose Australian Education Union/Labor deal on wages and conditions

After years of mounting anger over worsening conditions and real pay cuts, and a 98 percent vote for industrial action, many educators view the agreement as another betrayal. 

7. Sri Lanka receives further IMF loan installments and demands for escalating austerity

To impose the brutal measures demanded by the IMF, Sri Lanka’s government, backed by every section of the ruling elite, is preparing autocratic forms of rule. 

8. Elon Musk to become the world’s first trillionaire: The case for expropriation

Within the next 10 days, Elon Musk is set to become the world’s first trillionaire, when SpaceX, the space launch monopoly he controls, carries out the largest initial public offering in history. 

9. New York Democrats and Mamdani administration provide platform for Israel Day pro-genocide march

The DSA mayor did not attend the Israel Day parade, but his administration provided the permits and police protection for a march featuring Israeli officials implicated in genocide, annexation and ethnic cleansing. 

10. The “Great American State Fair” debacle: Trump’s megalomania and extreme isolation

One of the centerpieces of the anniversary is a mixed martial arts cage match scheduled to take place June 14 on the South Lawn of the White House.

11. Philippine workers hit as Iran war continues

Surging fuel and fertilizer prices are leading to a food crisis in the Philippines as crop yields decline. 

12. The criminalization of the Noida worker protests: How India’s authorities are seeking to stamp out worker opposition through state repression

Almost two months on, hundreds of workers remain in jail on trumped-up charges of violence and disorderly conduct, while labour activists whom the authorities claim instigated the protests are being held without charge under the draconian National Security Act. 

13. Nationwide hospital protests against planned cuts in Germany

Staff at over 50 hospitals across Germany recently protested against the government's planned cuts in the healthcare and nursing sectors, which threaten wages, working conditions and the existence of many hospitals.

14. Canadian border authorities handing refugees over to Trump’s fascist ICE thugs

Acting on the orders of the Liberal government, Canada’s border authorities are systematically handing over asylum seekers to ICE, full in the knowledge that they will be confined to concentration camp-like conditions before being expelled from the US. 

15. Public Lecture: Trotsky, Stalin and the 1926 British General Strike

This lecture marking the centenary of the 1926 general strike was delivered by Socialist Equality Party (UK) National Secretary Chris Marsden to public meetings in Sheffield, Manchester, Inverness, London and Glasgow,

16. United Kingdom: Unite ends Doncaster drivers' strike at First Bus based on revised pay offer

That First South Yorkshire was ultimately forced to retreat from its insistence that the 7 percent offer was "final" was due to the determination and unity of the drivers. 

17. Workers and youth oppose Iran war and Labor’s austerity measures at meetings in Australia and NZ

“Workers should unite to fight. Workers are oppressed, but without them, the capitalists have no wealth.” 

18. Who is prospective Labour Party leader and prime minister, Andy Burnham?—Part One

Labour is presiding over a social catastrophe, including the deepest levels of poverty in 30 years, and trailing the far-right Reform, the Conservatives and the Greens in general election polls. If he successfully becomes an MP, Burnham is expected to challenge Starmer for the Labour leadership and to replace him in Downing Street.

20. Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

Bogdan Syrotiuk in 2015

"Peace for the world! Down with war!" 

Jun 3, 2026

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today: 

1. The reality of US-Israel relations—Part 3

The dissolution of the Soviet Union removed the last external constraint on American power in the Middle East. With Moscow gone, regimes such as Iraq, Syria, and South Yemen could no longer balance between rival great powers; Washington emerged as the region’s sole arbiter.

Far from inaugurating an era of peace, unipolarity freed the US to compensate for its long‑term economic decline through unrestrained military force. Over the next three decades, it launched a chain of interventions—Iraq, Somalia, Yugoslavia, Iraq again, Libya, Yemen, and now Iran—that defined the new imperial order.

The Gulf War was the first expression of this shift. Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990—undertaken under the illusion of tacit US tolerance—was seized upon by the Bush administration to reassert American dominance. Operation Desert Storm killed more than 100,000 Iraqi soldiers and shattered Iraq’s infrastructure, with Bush vowing to return the country “to the pre‑industrial age.”

To preserve the Arab coalition, Washington forced Israel to remain on the sidelines, even withholding Identification Friend or Foe codes to prevent retaliation against Iraqi Scud missiles. Yet the US stopped short of regime change, fearing that a Kurdish or Shia victory would destabilize Türkiye. Instead, it imposed a decade of sanctions and no‑fly zones that devastated Iraqi society while keeping Hussein weak.  

***** 

The Oslo Accords served US imperialism as a temporary mechanism for managing, not resolving, the Palestinian question that has historically been the single most powerful mobilizing force for anti-imperialist sentiment across the Arab world and, increasingly, globally. Every massacre, siege, settlement expansion, abuse and mistreatment generates mass outrage that threatens to destabilize Washington’s client regimes. The solution from Washington’s perspective was a containment operation, while advancing several other imperialist objectives.

Oslo’s fundamental achievement, from America’s standpoint, was converting the PLO from an armed national liberation movement into a subcontracted security apparatus. Arafat, in exchange for the fiction of eventual statehood, agreed to recognize Israel, renounce armed struggle, and—crucially—guarantee Israeli security. The Palestinian Authority that emerged was not an embryonic state but a police force suppressing Palestinian resistance on Israel’s behalf, while enriching a thin layer of the Palestinian bourgeoisie via “developmental aid”. Oslo served to tame the most radical of the Arab nationalist movements and put it to work for the occupation it had pledged to end.

Oslo was also driven by Israeli capital’s need to break out of national autarchy and integrate into the wider Middle East economy in the era of globalization. Labour leader Shimon Peres stated the objective with brutal candor in 1992: “We do not want a peace between nations. We want a peace between markets”.

A Palestinian mini-state—non-contiguous, economically dependent, providing cheap subcontracted labor—was the price of that integration into European Union and Arab markets. Palestinian workers would be excluded from Israel and replaced by even cheaper and more defenseless Asian migrants, while Palestinian consumers and territory would provide a captive market. This was colonial economics dressed in the language of peace.

For Washington, Oslo served another vital diplomatic purpose. It would provide the Arab bourgeois regimes with political cover for their collaboration with US imperialism. The Arab ruling classes in Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia could point to the “peace process” as evidence that Washington was not simply an unconditional backer of Israeli expansionism, making it easier to justify their own normalization with Israel and their alignment with US strategic goals.

Likewise, the primary purpose of Oslo’s hollow successor, the 2003 Road Map, was to provide cover for the Iraq War and allow the Arab regimes to defend their acquiescence in the invasion to their populations.

This “peace” was structurally incapable of delivering either Palestinian self-determination or alleviating the Palestinians’ miserable living conditions. It was not designed to. Israel continued expanding the settlements throughout the 1990s, more so than in the preceding 26 years. It seized control of water and other resources, built bypass roads, and installed more than 600 checkpoints that crippled Palestinian movement and economic life.

*****

After 9/11, George W. Bush used the “war on terror” to normalize preemptive war and regime change, beginning with Afghanistan and Iraq. This was the declaration that open‑ended military force would now be the routine instrument of US foreign policy. Israel naturally welcomed the shift. 

Barely a month after invading Afghanistan, Bush unveiled the “axis of evil”: North Korea, Iran, and Iraq—the last two oil‑producing states that resisted US hegemony and supported the Palestinians. The list soon expanded to Cuba, Libya, and Syria. The US now claimed the right to attack any state that obstructed its global dominance.

Israel moved rapidly to insert its own conflict into this new framework. It insisted that the US and Israel were fighting the same war, recasting Palestinian resistance as part of the global jihadist threat. Netanyahu declared on 9/11 that the attacks would “generate immediate sympathy” for Israel, while Israeli officials folded Hamas, the bourgeois clerical group affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood, all the Palestinian armed groups and Hezbollah in Lebanon into the same category as Al‑Qaeda. This ideological maneuver aligned US national‑security doctrine with Israel’s position during the Second Intifada.

Ariel Sharon, by this time prime minister of Israel, became one of the most vocal international supporters of the US drive to war in Iraq, despite Iraq’s shattered condition after a decade of sanctions and Israel’s 1981 destruction of the Osirak reactor. He helped manufacture a pro‑war consensus inside Israel that contrasted sharply with mass opposition across Europe and North America.

Israel did not formally join the 2003 invasion, but it supplied intelligence, logistics, and political support. US interrogation and torture methods used in Iraq—including at Abu Ghraib—drew directly on Israeli precedents. As in 1991, Washington excluded Israel from the “Coalition of the Willing” to avoid embarrassing its Arab allies, who publicly denounced the war while privately providing bases, overflight rights, and counter‑insurgency cooperation.

US–Israel integration deepened across every major security domain: counterterrorism, Homeland Security, urban warfare, cyber operations, intelligence coordination against Iran in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq, regional missile‑defense integration, and joint exploitation of eastern Mediterranean gas. After 9/11, Israel became structurally embedded in the American security architecture—the forward base and strike arm for the coming confrontation with Iran.

*****

After 9/11, the Bush administration’s doctrine of reshaping the Middle East by force—and the Arab regimes’ acquiescence to the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq—allowed Israel to abandon the Oslo fiction of “negotiations” and replace it with open militarism: sieges, assassinations, curfews, and regime‑change operations aimed at crushing Palestinian resistance once and for all.

Bush signaled the shift immediately. In March 2001 he told Sharon he would not “try to force peace,” effectively giving Israel a free hand. Sharon responded with the first airstrikes on PA targets since 1967 and a wave of incursions across the West Bank. When Sharon formally repudiated Oslo in December 2001, the Arab regimes issued ritual protests but took no action.

In 2002 Washington installed Mahmoud Abbas as Palestinian Prime Minister under the “Roadmap for Peace,” to sideline Arafat and create a Palestinian leadership willing to act as Washington’s enforcer. The Roadmap served as diplomatic cover for Arab support for the coming Iraq war.

In 2004 Bush issued written guarantees to Sharon that marked a historic shift in US policy: recognising that major settlement blocs would remain part of Israel, rejecting the right of return, and affirming Israel’s right to act “by itself” even in areas it withdrew from. Armed with these assurances, Sharon carried out the unilateral “disengagement” from Gaza—not a step toward peace, but a move to reduce the cost of occupation while freezing negotiations on refugees, borders, and Jerusalem.

When Hamas won the 2006 Palestinian elections, the US refused to accept the result. It organized a $1.27 billion plan to arm Fatah strongman Mohammed Dahlan to overthrow the elected government. When Hamas preempted the coup and took control of Gaza, Washington backed Israel’s blockade—cutting off food, medicine, electricity, and water—with Egypt’s active participation.

The US fully supported Israel’s 2008–09 assault on Gaza, viewing the destruction of Hamas as part of its broader project to build a “New Middle East” and weaken Iran and Syria. Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the PA were direct accomplices, terrified that Hamas’ electoral victory had shown that a popular resistance movement could challenge their own rule.

Under Obama, US military aid rose to $3.8 billion annually, with expanded cooperation on missile defense and major funding for Iron Dome. Trump went further: cutting all funding to Palestinian institutions, recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, endorsing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and orchestrating in 2020 the Abraham Accords—the normalization of Israel with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco.

This formalized what had long been an open secret: the extensive covert commercial, intelligence and military cooperation between the Gulf States and Israel, now legitimized in the service of Washington’s “maximum pressure” sanctions regime against Iran. It ended even the pretense that Arab regimes conditioned relations with Israel on Palestinian rights. It consolidated a US‑led anti‑Iran axis and aligned the Gulf States with Washington’s broader confrontation with China. 

*****

When the October 2023 genocide began, the Biden administration’s immediate deployment of warships to the eastern Mediterranean made clear that this was a joint US–Israel offensive. Washington provided intelligence, logistics, and a $14.3 billion emergency weapons package, while using its veto at the UN Security Council to block ceasefire resolutions. Gaza became a tactical laboratory for US–Israel military doctrine: urban warfare, surveillance, drone operations, and missile‑defence systems tested in real time.

Every Israeli assault—in Gaza or the West Bank—served US strategic interests. Israel was given a free hand because each operation advanced the broader project of remaking the Middle East under US hegemony. The 2023 genocidal war signalled to Iran, China, and Russia that the US had no “red lines” and would tolerate mass killing to assert dominance.

But this was always a relationship of mutual dependence. Israel required US financing and protection to survive; the US required Israel as its indispensable enforcer, subcontractor, and regional attack dog. What united them was the shared class interest between US imperialism and its regional proxy in crushing any challenge—Palestinian, Arab nationalist, Iranian, or working‑class—to their domination of the most strategically vital, oil‑rich region on earth.

*****

In 2006, Israel launched a 34-day assault on Lebanon that was explicitly aimed at eliminating Hezbollah, an Iranian ally, as a military and political force. It was a carefully planned component of the US strategy for regional restructuring, which the WSWS described as “a continuation and escalation of the imperialist geo-political restructuring of the Middle East and Central Asia that began with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.” The immediate military goal — crushing Hezbollah—was the prelude to confronting Syria and ultimately Iran. The US actively blocked ceasefire efforts, with Condoleezza Rice’s visit deliberately delayed, giving Israel maximum destruction time. 

The war devastated Lebanon and displaced more than a million people, but it failed to achieve its strategic aims. Hezbollah survived, mobilised mass popular support, and forced a ceasefire. The war did, however, accelerate the development of missile‑defence systems that became central to US–Israel military cooperation.

Israel persisted in its efforts to eliminate Hezbollah. Throughout the 2010s, it conducted thousands of airstrikes in Syria targeting Iranian-backed forces and Hezbollah supply lines, acting as Washington’s air force against the Iranian axis of resistance. In 2024, Israel returned to the task with far greater ferocity: a systematic campaign of assassination of Hezbollah’s entire senior command structure, culminating in the killing of its leader Hassan Nasrallah on September 28, 2024.

Some 85 bombs—the majority US-supplied 2,000-pound bunker-busters — were dropped on central Beirut. Netanyahu ordered the strike from New York City, the day after delivering a speech at the UN General Assembly explicitly framing Israel’s campaign as the construction of a “new Middle East” aligned with US strategic interests against Iran, Syria, Iraq and Lebanon. The WSWS wrote that this was not Israeli unilateralism but an operation of US imperialism, “Netanyahu’s government, funded and armed by the United States, is not an independent actor but functions as America’s proxy.”

In March this year, Israel again attacked Lebanon as part of the wider US confrontation with Iran, deploying the same tactics used in Gaza—mass displacement and aerial bombardment—while seeking to push Hezbollah north of the Litani River. The broader US objective remains the same: reshaping the regional balance of power. Israel’s leadership, meanwhile, is using the conflict to pursue its territorial ambitions and consolidate a Greater Israel.

***** 

Israel has not only carried out operations directly against Iran; it has functioned as Washington’s forward strike force against the entire “axis of resistance” the US seeks to destroy. During the US–Gulf–Türkiye campaign to topple the Syrian government, Israel launched hundreds of airstrikes on Syrian military sites, airfields, weapons depots, and the bases and convoys of Iran and Hezbollah—the decisive external force in Syria since 2013.

It effectively acted as air support for US‑backed opposition militias, while providing medical and logistical aid to armed Islamist groups in the Golan Heights. These operations were coordinated with US forces in eastern and northern Syria, which shared intelligence with Israel.

The aim was explicit: prevent Iran from consolidating its position in Syria as a counterweight to US regional dominance. Israel also destroyed Syria’s alleged nuclear reactor at al‑Kibar in 2007—an operation the Bush administration was unwilling to carry out itself but sanctioned Israel to perform, preserving the US–Israeli nuclear monopoly. The strike was immediately used by Washington as a warning to Tehran: this is what awaits your nuclear facilities.

The 2023–24 Israel–Hezbollah war reshaped the Syrian battlefield. Hezbollah was forced to divert fighters, commanders, and logistics back to Lebanon’s southern front. Its reduced presence created a temporary vacuum in northwest Syria just as Hay’at Tahrir al‑Sham (HTS), the Sunni Islamist militant group and al-Nusra offshoot, was consolidating control over Idlib.

With Hezbollah tied down and regional actors focused on preventing a wider Israel–Iran confrontation, HTS faced fewer constraints. This indirect but decisive shift helped HTS tighten its grip and contributed to the collapse of the Syrian regime in December 2024.

After HTS seized Damascus, Israel continued its long‑standing objective of weakening and fragmenting Syria. It backed minority groups against a centralized state—the Druze in the southwest and the Kurds in the northeast—until Washington forced it to withdraw support for Kurdish forces during the Syrian army’s offensive to reintegrate the autonomous region.

*****

The US‑led invasion of Iraq—whose unintended consequence was to expand Iran’s regional influence—made Iran the focus of US strategy. This shift accelerated Israel’s integration into the American military‑security system and pushed Iran towards deeper ties with China, now Washington’s principal global rival.

Once Iran was placed in the “axis of evil,” Washington drove a series of UN sanctions against its nuclear program, despite no evidence that it had violated the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Obama escalated this pressure in 2012 by targeting Iran’s energy sector and central bank, threatening any state that bought Iranian oil with exclusion from the US‑dominated financial system.

Trump intensified the confrontation: tearing up the 2015 nuclear deal, reimposing sweeping sanctions, designating the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) a terrorist organization, and ordering the assassination of Qasem Soleimani in 2020.

Alongside these overt measures, the US and Israel waged a long “shadow war” to cripple Iran’s nuclear and military capacity: the Stuxnet cyberattack on Natanz; assassinations of scientists and IRGC officials; sabotage of military and energy infrastructure; and attacks on Iranian shipping. This was a joint campaign of military, technological, and economic containment—cementing Israel’s role as Washington’s frontline enforcer.

The alignment became explicit in 2024, when Israel’s strike on the Iranian consulate in Damascus triggered direct Iranian retaliation. The US mobilized immediately: CENTCOM assembled a multinational air‑defense coalition, with the UK, France, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE providing intelligence, airspace, and logistical support. Israel’s defense now operated inside a US‑centered regional security system.

The point was driven home in June 2025, when Israel attacked Iran’s nuclear facilities during US–Iran talks. The US defended Israel, intercepted Iranian missiles, provided intelligence and logistics, and ultimately carried out direct strikes on Iran’s underground nuclear sites—targets beyond Israel’s capabilities. Iran responded by striking a US base in Qatar, after which Washington imposed a ceasefire. The Gulf states again supplied bases, intelligence, and airspace; NATO powers offered political and logistical backing. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz captured the essence of the operation: Israel was doing the West’s “dirty work.”

The present conflict, launched jointly by the US and Israel on 28 February, is the fullest expression of this integration. All the Gulf states except Oman have opened their bases, intelligence networks, and airspace to Washington; NATO states have provided political and indirect military support.

Taken together, these developments show how Israel functions as Washington’s forward agent within a US‑directed regional security architecture. The US determines the scale, duration, coalition, and political framework of operations—and orders ceasefires. Israel is not even a party to the US–Iran negotiations that will determine the terms of any settlement.

This makes clear that the US–Israel war on Iran is not the product of Israeli scheming or lobbying networks, but of the crisis of the global imperial order. To reduce a world‑spanning confrontation to the maneuvers of a state of ten million people is to mistake the shadow for the substance. The driving force is the strategic logic of US imperialism, desperately seeking to reassert control over energy, raw materials, investment routes, trade corridors, and geopolitical chokepoints as its dominance erodes on every front except the military.  

*****

Lenin’s Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism remains the indispensable framework for understanding the present world crisis. Imperialism is not simply colonial aggression or great‑power bullying; it is a specific stage of capitalist development defined by monopoly, finance capital, the export of capital, international cartels, and the division of the world among the major powers—a division that can be altered only through violent redivision. It is not a policy choice but the structural logic of capitalism once it outgrows the limits of the nation‑state.

Lenin wrote that the changing economic, financial, military strength of competing capitalist states constantly destabilizes any imperialist “balance.” The rise of Germany shattered the equilibrium of the early twentieth century; the rise of China after the collapse of the Soviet Union has played the same role in the twenty‑first. The drive toward war flows from this objective contradiction, not from the decisions of individual leaders.

Lenin also insisted that imperialism produces “reaction all down the line” at home. Monopoly capitalism requires repression, censorship, and the curtailment of democratic rights. The vast sums funneled to Israel—$158 billion since 1948, $3.8 billion annually today, plus emergency supplements—represent a direct transfer from social needs to militarism and the arms industry.

The repression of pro‑Palestinian protests on US campuses, the criminalization of dissent, the banning of student groups, and the threats of deportation in Germany are part of the same process: using the Israel–Palestine conflict to justify the expansion of the repressive apparatus against a working class entering into struggle over wages and conditions.

Lenin’s analysis was rooted in the recognition that capitalism had entered an epoch of systemic crisis and decay, in which the socialist transformation of society had become an objective necessity. From this analysis flows the strategic conclusion. No appeal to the capitalist state, no invocation of the “rules‑based international order,” and no campaign to reform US foreign policy by reducing Israeli influence can halt the descent toward world war. The mass demonstrations of 2003 did not stop the invasion of Iraq; the global outcry against the Gaza genocide did not stop it; nor did appeals to the International Court of Justice or International Criminal Court. Imperialism cannot be pressured into peace.

What is required is the construction of an international movement of the working class, armed with a socialist and internationalist program, directed against the capitalist system that is the root cause of imperialist war, and led by the revolutionary party of the Fourth International. Only the independent mobilization of the working class on a world scale can put an end to the barbarism now unfolding and open the road to a socialist reorganization of society.

2. Anthropic IPO to intensify Wall Street frenzy

The announcement by AI company Anthropic, the maker of AI assistant Claude, that it is moving to an initial public offering (IPO) will add fuel to the frenzy on Wall Street which has sent the S&P 500 index to 11 record highs in May.

Anthropic’s announcement came in the wake of that by Elon Musk’s SpaceX late last month that it was going public and is expected to be followed shortly by one from its rival, OpenAI, the owner of ChatGPT.

 Few details are available about the Anthropic launch at this point, such as the number of shares, their initial price, the structure of the company and its revenue and profit prospects, because its filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was on a confidential basis. But the estimates are that Anthropic will enter the market by being listed on the NASDAQ exchange with a market value of around $1 trillion. 

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Anthropic was set up in 2021 by former OpenAI leaders and has since had a meteoric rise. It has enjoyed a 15-fold increase in its estimated market value in the past 15 months. In March 2025 it was valued at around $65 billion and is now valued at $900 billion.

But so far Anthropic has not made a profit—it says it expects to do so in the June quarter of this year—but has recorded losses. So have SpaceX and OpenAI.

This means that investment in the three AI companies launching IPOs is entirely of a speculative character, based on what they claim they will be able to make in the future. SpaceX has asserted that its target market is almost $29 trillion, equivalent to around 90 percent of US GDP. The issue is whether their various claims will be able to be met. As comments in the financial press have noted, the market is about to be “tested.”

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The market boosters claim that AI, because of its capacity to raise productivity, is the means by which American capitalism will power itself into a glorious future and solve its ever-growing problems, such as the mounting government debt now at $39 trillion, rising by billions of dollars every day, with the interest bill, running at around $1 trillion a year, consuming a larger and larger portion of government revenue. 

Closer examination of the stock market boom—of which AI is the latest component—and its historical development reveals a different picture from that presented by AI promoters.

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The suppression of the living standards of the working class has played a major role in the accumulation of the Wall Street oligarchs. As the Economic Policy Institute has calculated, since 1979 productivity has grown 90 percent while the pay of workers has grown by 33 percent, meaning that if workers’ wages had tracked productivity growth, they would receive an average of $16.40 more an hour today.

The suppression of the struggles of the working class by the trade union bureaucracies which has created this situation has not only boosted the profits of the corporations.

It has been a major factor in the rise of the stock market and the growth of parasitism and speculation which has siphoned ever increasing wealth into the hands of the corporate and financial oligarchy, creating a level of social inequality which exceeds all historical precedent.

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The history of the stock market demonstrates this relationship. In the early 1970s, the period of the last great wages upsurge of the working class in the US and internationally, stock markets plunged.

In the period of 1973–74, at the height of the international wages offensive—in the UK the miners’ strike brought down the Heath Tory government—Wall Street’s Dow Jones index fell by 45 percent. In the UK, the fall was even greater at some 73 percent.

This history throws a revealing light on the present-day role of the trade union bureaucracy. As the market frenzy continues, so their efforts intensify to sabotage, betray and suppress, by all means possible, the independent struggle of the working class to combat the daily cuts to their living standards.

A collapse in the share market of anything even approaching what took place in the face of the movement of the working class in response to the inflation of the 1970s would devastate the global financial system.

Its operations as a wealth creation machine for the financial oligarchy rests on confidence—confidence that the working class is suppressed and that its activity will not call into question capitalist ownership of the means of production and finance.

The role of the trade union apparatuses is not a product of the characteristics of the individuals who head them, but of their social and class function within the profit system. They are tied by a thousand strings to the capitalist class.

These ties are: material (as they pull in salaries, financed to a considerable degree by union financial investments, far above those of the workers they supposedly represent); ideological (in their undying support for capitalism and its system of exploitation), and political (as they openly align themselves with the nationalist “America First” agenda of the fascist Trump or back his props the Democrats).

They are more than aware that any significant movement of the working class in defense of jobs, wages and living standards threatens the financial system on which they depend and for which they are the gendarmes. 

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To meet this developing crisis and the offensive of the ruling class, the working class must make its own preparations at both a political and organizational level. It must initiate a struggle to reorient itself based on an internationalist socialist program and develop the means for carrying through the fight against the policemen of the capitalist oligarchy, the trade union bureaucracies, through the building of rank-and-file committees in workplaces and communities. 

3. Zohran Mamdani promised free buses; New Yorkers are getting a bus fare enforcement crackdown instead

The outcome of the promise of free bus fare has lessons for the 40,000 subway and bus workers who have been working on an expired contract for more than two weeks. In contract talks, MTA management is demanding 2 percent annual wage increases (less than half the rate of local inflation), along with a doubling of out of pocket healthcare payments and sharp restrictions on overtime and sick leave. It claims that anything else is “unaffordable” and must be offset through fare hikes.

In reality, what is “unaffordable” is the 15 percent of its operating budget that goes to MTA’s Wall Street creditors. The MTA is among the most indebted transit agencies in North America, carrying tens of billions of dollars in long-term debt accumulated through decades of borrowing to finance capital projects.

Workers should form rank-and-file committees to prepare a fight, appealing for support from the city’s riders and the broader working class and fighting for oversight and control over the talks. A struggle must be organized from below. The Transport Workers Union bureaucracy is compromised by its deep relations with the Democratic Party, including both Mamdani and New York governor Kathy Hochul, whom the union endorsed in 2022. 

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During his campaign, Mamdani argued that working-class New Yorkers should not be forced to choose between transportation and other necessities. That message resonated especially in neighborhoods where a $3 fare is not a minor inconvenience, but a recurring expense borne by people already struggling with the city’s soaring cost of living. Implicit in the support for the demand was also the broader question: Why should access to public transportation depend on a rider’s ability to pay, rather than a basic social right?

While the free bus demand found broad support in the working class, Mamdani quickly abandoned it once he took office in January. After securing state funding for a modest expansion of childcare, the mayor endorsed New York’s openly pro-business state governor Kathy Hochul for reelection and accepted her refusal to fund fare-less bus service, which would have taken place via small income tax increases for the wealthy.

This was coupled with a city budget balanced on the backs of city workers, with Mamdani and Hochul reaching a deal to achieving billions in savings by delaying the implementation of new class-size mandates in public schools and by delaying repayment to city pension funds. Hochul and Mamdani agreed on a plan for a modest pied-à-terre tax, a minor source of additional revenue as a fig leaf so the mayor could claim he delivered on his promise to tax the rich.

Mamdani’s pretensions and that of the Democratic Socialists of America, of which he is a member, are being rapidly exposed. His function is to corral the radicalizing sentiment and direct it towards alliances with the Democratic Party establishment and even President Trump, whom he visited twice at the White House.

The MTA’s bus evasion crackdown, while not directed by the mayor himself, mirrors the broader policing strategy of the Mamdani administration. On Monday, Mamdani’s police commissioner, the billionaire Jessica Tisch, announced the administration’s plan to hire an additional 580 uniformed officers by the end of the year.

The new recruits will bring the NYPD headcount to a staggering 35,555 cops, larger than the standing armies of 97 countries, according to World Population Review. This is also an increase compared to the law-and-order administration of ex-cop Eric Adams. 

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As a candidate and state legislator, Mamdani frequently denounced over-policing and the use of law enforcement to manage social problems rooted in poverty and inequality. Yet in office, he supports the very institutions he once criticized.

4. UK Labour government bars Cenk Uygur and Hasan Piker from entering the country

The bans stemmed from demands from right-wing Labourites and Zionists, who deployed the now standard lie conflating opposition to the fascistic Israeli government with antisemitism and terrorism.

5. Trump designates Brazilian gangs as “terrorist organizations” in new imperialist intervention in Latin America

The Trump administration's designation of Brazil's PCC and CV as Foreign Terrorist Organizations marks an ominous escalation of imperialist intervention in Brazilian politics.

6. Train derailment in Houston TX further expose the brutality of corporate railways

While the cause of the accident still remains unknown, officials said 11 rail cars carrying finished vehicles derailed along a major rail corridor that cuts through a busy industrial and commuter section of northwest Houston. 

7. UAW apparatus shuts down grad student strike at Harvard University: The political issues

The strike was shut down this week by the United Auto Workers because it raised deeper political and class questions which the bureaucracy works to suppress. 

8. “This is capitalism gone awry. It’s just not working for everyday people”: A veteran nurse speaks about worsening conditions in healthcare

With a career spanning 47 years, Mary Jo Marinelli offers a candid look at the steady decline of the American healthcare system.

9. Democrats enforce crackdown outside Delaney Hall as Congress prepares billions more for ICE and Border Patrol

New Jersey state and local police have continued their crackdown on protesters outside the Delaney Hall immigration detention center in Newark, New Jersey, where hundreds of immigrants are nearing the end of a second week of hunger and labor strikes against filthy conditions, medical neglect, rotten food, lack of access to counsel and pressure to sign deportation documents.

 

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The Delaney Hall arrests are part of a broader effort to criminalize opposition to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Last week, three anti-ICE protesters in Spokane, Washington—Bajun Mavalwalla II, Justice Forral and Jac Archer—were convicted on federal conspiracy charges stemming from a June 2025 protest aimed at blocking the transport of immigrants from Spokane to the Northwest Detention Center in Tacoma, Washington, on the other side of the state.

Spokane police arrested 30 people that day, but no officers or protesters were injured. Richard Barker, then the acting-US attorney for the Eastern District of Washington, resigned before the indictments were filed and has since said he did not believe the charges were warranted. There was no “conspiracy,” only a call to action answered by dozens of people. The three now face up to six years in prison if their appeal is denied.

The message is clear: Those who oppose ICE raids, deportations and detention centers are to be treated as criminals and potential federal felons. 

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The return of Congress to Washington this week will bring the resumption of work on the reconciliation package that would fund ICE and Customs and Border Protection (CBP), including the Border Patrol, through the end of Trump’s term. Senate Republicans have proposed roughly $72 billion for the two agencies, including more than $38 billion for ICE and more than $26 billion for CBP. Senate Majority Leader John Thune has made clear that the purpose is to provide “border security and immigration enforcement for the next three years,” bypassing the normal appropriations process and insulating the agencies from even token oversight votes.

This outcome was prepared in advance by the Democrats. As the World Socialist Web Site explained last month, Democratic leaders helped separate ICE and CBP funding from the broader DHS funding bill, allowing them to posture as opponents of Trump’s immigration Gestapo while ensuring that the money would be delivered through reconciliation. Having helped split DHS funding from ICE and CBP funding, they could then claim innocence as Republicans moved to funnel tens of billions of dollars to the very agencies carrying out masked raids, warrantless home invasions, illegal detentions and killings.

The Democrats, who postured as opponents of ICE and CBP following the murders of Renée Nicole Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis, have in fact dropped any attempt to impose even token restraints on the police-state operations of the immigration agencies. Meanwhile, Trump has indefinitely deployed hundreds of armed ICE officers at major airports to harass and detain immigrants and, ultimately, political opponents of his dictatorial regime, without the slightest protest from the Democrats, including figures such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

10. The right-wing politics of New Zealand’s Opportunity Party

The Opportunity Party’s claim to be neither left- nor right-wing is a fraud; backed by sections of the capitalist class, it aims to protect the wealth of the super-rich while maintaining New Zealand’s imperialist alliance with the US.

11. UAW bureaucracy rushes fourth sellout at Nexteer as American Axle workers walk out: “We should all be on strike at the same time”

In a naked attempt to intimidate the 1,700 Nexteer workers who have defiantly rejected three UAW-backed deals, the union apparatus could hold the next vote in the plant under the supervision of management.

12. The balance sheet of Castroism as Trump prepares war on Cuba

Workers in Cuba, the US and across the Americas must urgently mobilize in opposition to Trump’s blockade and war plans, but effective opposition to imperialism requires a historical balance sheet of Castroism and the Cuban Revolution. 

13. Australian Labor government trying to appease big business over limited budget tax changes

A furious campaign by business leaders and the corporate media against the minor tax adjustments has demonstrated the refusal by Australia’s billionaires and their global partners to accept even the slightest inroads into their profits and fortunes. 

14. Kast’s State of the Nation speech in Chile: Blueprint for social counterrevolution wrapped in “national unity” rhetoric

Kast’s speech was built around the conceit: that Chile is in a “state of emergency” requiring extraordinary measures, ruling through presidential decrees and demanding that the working class pay for a crisis it did not create.

15. Raphael, the “Prince of Painters,” at New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art

A major exhibition of the Renaissance artist’s work sheds light on the social and aesthetic factors that enabled his artistic development and on the character of his achievement. 

16. Nexteer Workers: We have rejected three contracts. Now we must become the authority.

The Nexteer Workers Rank-and-File Committee calls for the development of a movement of the rank-and-file to take control of their struggle and connect it with American Axle and other auto workers. 

17. Successful meeting at Berlin’s Humboldt University calls for the freedom of Bogdan Syrotiuk

On May 28 around 30 students and workers gathered at Humboldt University in Berlin for a meeting organized by the International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE) titled “Freedom for the socialist anti-war activist Bogdan Syrotiuk! Stop the war in Ukraine!”

Syrotiuk, now 27 years old, was arrested on April 25, 2024, by the Ukrainian secret service (SBU) for advocating the unity of the Ukrainian and Russian working classes against the war. The government accuses him of “high treason under martial law”—an offense for which he could face life imprisonment.

The meeting took place at a time when Bogdan’s trial is at a critical turning point. Two expert reports have now exposed the core of the charge—that Bogdan spreads Russian propaganda—as baseless.

The international campaign for Bogdan’s release is gaining increasing traction in Germany. As the WSWS reported, his case has garnered growing attention in recent weeks at universities and in working-class neighborhoods. 

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At the end of the meeting, those present adopted a resolution calling for the immediate release of Bogdan Syrotiuk and all other political prisoners in Ukraine, and demanding that the European Court of Human Rights expedite the review of his case. The resolution makes clear: Bogdan is not in prison for a criminal offence, but because he advocates for the international unity of the working class against the war.

In August, Mehring Verlag will publish the book The War in Ukraine and the Struggle for Socialism: The Case of Bogdan Syrotiuk, which is already available for pre-order. It will feature, for the first time, Bogdan’s own writings, statements by the International Committee of the Fourth International on Bogdan’s case, and analyses of the war in Ukraine and the role of German imperialism.

The campaign for Bogdan’s release must be expanded in the coming weeks and months. We call on everyone who wants to support Bogdan’s freedom and the building of an anti-war movement to sign the petition at wsws.org/freebogdan and to join the IYSSE’s struggle!

We also invite all interested individuals to attend the IYSSE’s next meeting: “Science Instead of War Propaganda: How Can We Fight Conscription, War, and Cuts at our University?” Thursday, June 11, 2026, 6:30 p.m., Humboldt University of Berlin, Main Building, Unter den Linden 6, Room 1072.

18. Help free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

 

The fight for the Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist's freedom is an essential component of the struggle against imperialist war, genocide, dictatorship and fascism.