May 16, 2026

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today: 

1. California DSA tells workers to vote for a billionaire Democrat in gubernatorial primaries

The California Democratic Socialists of America (CA-DSA) has issued a voter guide recommending that workers support billionaire hedge fund manager Tom Steyer in the Democratic gubernatorial primary. The call for a vote for Steyer confirms, if such confirmation were needed, that the DSA has nothing to do with socialism.

CA-DSA does not even attempt to hide the contradiction of a self-declared socialist organization backing the election of a billionaire. Its voter guide admits that Steyer is a billionaire whose wealth “was earned through the exploitation of the working class” and that his fortune was invested in private prisons and coal mining. It notes that he refuses to characterize Israel’s genocide in Gaza as a genocide. Nevertheless, it insists that workers should “not cast a protest vote,” or build an independent movement in the working class against the twin parties of Wall Street and war, because Steyer is supposedly “the most progressive of the current viable candidates.” The guide concludes, absurdly, “Time will tell whether he’s truly a class traitor.” 

There is no mystery to solve. Steyer is not a “class traitor.” He is a conscious representative of the capitalist class. He does not propose the abolition of capitalism, the expropriation of the billionaires, workers’ control of production or the building of a socialist movement. 

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The CA-DSA endorsement comes in the final weeks before California’s June 2 “jungle primary,” in which the top two vote-getters advance regardless of party. The race remains extremely tight. A May Emerson College poll found former Biden Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra leading with just 19 percent, followed by Steyer and Republican Steve Hilton statistically tied at 17 percent.

Under conditions in which millions of workers and young people are moving to the left and identify capitalism with inequality, war, ecological destruction, fascism and dictatorship, the DSA is seeking to channel opposition behind a billionaire Democrat attempting to buy political office at a decisive point in the campaign. 

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Taken together, Steyer has spent or poured roughly $546 million into his presidential and gubernatorial ambitions, roughly the same amount the US government refused to provide Spirit airlines to stop the destruction of 17,000 jobs. The half billion wasted on his own political ambitions could have paid the annual salaries of tens of thousands of teachers, nurses and public workers. Instead, it has been consumed by consultants, television advertisements, polling firms and campaign operatives, converting Steyer’s stolen wealth into political power. 

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The DSA’s support for Steyer demonstrates that it is nothing but an arm of the Democratic Party. For the DSA, socialism is reduced to a set of reforms that the Democrats have no intention of actually implementing. It does not seek to make the working class conscious of its independent social interests and historic tasks, but to prevent socialist consciousness from developing by insisting, at every decisive moment, that workers remain within the framework of the Democratic Party. 

The promotion of Steyer as a potential “class traitor” expresses the political function of the pseudo-left: to take the growing hatred of capitalism among workers and youth and redirect it behind liberal millionaires and billionaires. The task facing workers is not to search for saviors among hedge fund managers, but to build an independent socialist movement of the working class, in conscious opposition to the Democratic Party, the trade union bureaucracy and the capitalist system they defend.

2. US-China summit brings no respite in global war

US President Donald Trump returned to Washington Friday from a two-day state visit to China—the first by an American president in nearly a decade—that offered no let-up in the global eruption of American imperialism. The trip produced no easing of the US blockade of Iran, no halt to the US arming of Taiwan, no reduction of Trump’s anti-China tariffs and no communique.

The meeting took place in the shadow of the US attack on Iran that had been launched less than three months earlier. Despite the brutality of the US onslaught, the Trump administration had failed to achieve its aims of overthrowing the Iranian government, destroying its military and gaining control of the Strait of Hormuz. 

Trump hoped to have arrived in Beijing as the conqueror of Iran, ready to dictate terms to China with a stranglehold on its energy supplies. Instead, he was facing a geopolitical disaster, and he sought Xi’s aid in resolving the crisis created by the war. 

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The Trump regime confronts a deepening political, social and economic crisis. Trump’s approval rating has fallen to 34 percent, the lowest of his presidency. The US national debt has reached 100 percent of gross domestic product, one year after the latest of three separate debt downgrades by the major rating agencies. Mounting doubts about the dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency hung over the trip.

Against this backdrop, the summit made clear that the US effort to economically strangle China — begun in earnest under the first Trump administration — has failed. In October 2018, Vice President Mike Pence declared the intent of the United States to seize “the commanding heights of the twenty-first century economy.” The campaign of economic warfare that followed, waged through tariffs and export controls, was continued through the Biden administration and into the second Trump administration. This effort has not destroyed China’s technology sector, which has made major advances in robotics, autonomy and artificial intelligence.

Despite these advances, or rather because of them, China confronts a US-led imperialist world order determined to strangle and subjugate it through economic and military warfare. The US rampage in Latin America and the Persian Gulf, alongside its efforts to acquire Greenland and the Panama Canal, are part of a drive to seize the world’s strategic choke points in preparation for direct military conflict with China.

In the face of this offensive, aimed at reducing China, alongside the entire former colonial world, to subjugation, Chinese Chairman Xi Jinping spent the summit making entreaties toward peaceful cooperation between the United States and China.

Xi opened the summit by asking whether the two countries could “transcend the so-called Thucydides Trap and forge a new model for relations between major powers.” He added that “the common interests between China and the United States outweigh our differences.”

The Trump administration, by contrast, sees any potential thaw in relations with Beijing as an occasion to accelerate US rearmament and better position the country for war. 

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There can be no peaceful coexistence between American imperialism and China. American capitalism, crisis-ridden and indebted, cannot tolerate China’s continued economic growth. To accept China’s economic ascent would mean the collapse of the dollar-denominated world order on which the entire system of US power rests.

Ultimately, the US drive to subjugate China arises from the structure of the capitalist world order itself — the irresolvable contradiction between a globally integrated economy and a system of competing nation-states, each defending the interests of its own ruling class.

The Chinese state is not a workers’ state, a socialist state, or even a “socialist market economy.” It is headed by a regime that subordinates everything to a capitalist oligarchy, the product of the decades-long process of capitalist restoration that began with Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening up” in the late 1970s — a process the ICFI analyzed at each step as a betrayal rooted in the Maoist variety of Stalinist nationalism. That restoration created an enormous working class of hundreds of millions, integrated China into the circuits of world capital, and produced a stratum of billionaires tied to global markets, international supply chains, and the dollar-denominated financial system that Washington wields as a weapon. 

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The working class must formulate its own response to the global eruption of US imperialism. Trump has already made clear that the global war being launched by US imperialism will be a war on the working class at home. At a White House Easter luncheon on April 1, he declared: “It’s not possible for us to take care of daycare, Medicaid, Medicare, all these individual things. We have to take care of one thing: military protection.” “We’re fighting wars,” he said. 

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World war can be stopped only by the international working class, organized independently of all factions of the capitalist class and fighting on the program of socialist internationalism. That program is fought for by the International Committee of the Fourth International, the Socialist Equality Parties and the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees.

3. CIA director’s trip to Havana paves way for regime change operation

CIA Director John Ratcliffe traveled to Havana on Thursday and met with Raúl Castro’s grandson, Raúl Guillermo Rodriguez Castro, Interior Minister Lazaro Alvarez Casas and the head of Cuba’s intelligence services, according to statements made by a CIA official to The Miami Herald.z

The purpose of the trip, he said, was “to personally deliver President Trump’s message that the United States is prepared to seriously engage on economic and security issues, but only if Cuba makes fundamental changes.”

The political significance of welcoming the CIA director to Havana cannot be overstated. The agency owes much of its nickname—Murder Inc.—to its record of organizing relentless terrorist attacks on Cuba. 

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While the visit is not entirely without precedent—CIA Director John Brennan secretly traveled to Cuba in 2015, meeting with Raúl Castro’s son Col. Alejandro Castro Espín—what is entirely unprecedented is that the CIA and the US Embassy in Cuba publicly posted photographs of Thursday’s visit and had their officials describe the details in real time to the media. The entire affair was for public consumption.

The broadcasting of such a trip by the CIA can only be seen as smoke-and-mirrors to manufacture a narrative: Cuba bears responsibility for whatever comes next. The sporadic offers of minimal aid and dialogue from Washington are aimed at providing the pretext that the Cuban government rejected these well-meaning US gestures.

The fraudulent character of these gestures, however, was made unmistakably clear within hours of Ratcliffe’s departure. US officials told USA Today that the US Justice Department is moving to indict former Cuban President Raúl Castro, now 94, in connection with the 1996 shooting down of two planes operated by Brothers to the Rescue. This was a CIA-connected organization whose pilots conducted repeated hostile overflights of Cuban territory, on occasion buzzing Havana and dropping leaflets calling on Cubans to revolt.

The planned indictment is a transparent threat that Washington may move against Castro in a manner similar to the abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro following his fraudulent drug indictment—an operation in Caracas in which US Special Forces killed 32 Cuban security personnel and scores of Venezuelans.

Ratcliffe warned Cuban officials to take Trump seriously and told them they should be “under no illusions that Trump will not take action to enforce red lines.” The direct demand was raised that “Cuba can no longer be a safe haven for adversaries in the Western Hemisphere.”

While the demand that Cuba sever ties with China and Russia was not spelled out, the context leaves no ambiguity that what is being referred to. 

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These maneuvers are unfolding against the backdrop of a catastrophic humanitarian crisis in Cuba, inflicted deliberately by Washington. 

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The United States has cut off the island from virtually all fuel imports since January, allowing only a single Russian tanker through. That ship, which docked in late March carrying 730,000 barrels of oil, provided only temporary relief. A second Russian-flagged vessel, the Universal, carrying diesel for Cuba, shifted course several weeks ago.

The fuel blockade constitutes a crime of collective punishment, pure and simple. Blackouts have caused reduced working hours and widespread food spoilage. Hospitals have canceled surgeries. Cuba’s Foreign Minister Bruno Eduardo Rodríguez Parrilla has stated that infant mortality has doubled, and 12,000 children are waiting for operations. On Wednesday and Thursday, protests broke out across Havana, following blackouts lasting up to 48 hours in some neighborhoods. The demonstrations spread to at least 12 municipalities, including Guanabacoa, Marianao, Playa, San Miguel del Padrón, Vedado and Havana del Este. Protesters chanted “Electricity and food!” 

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Pentagon contingency plans for a military operation have already been drawn up at Trump’s request. According to CNN’s analysis of flight data, US surveillance and reconnaissance missions off the coast of Cuba have increased markedly since February.

Amid military exercises on the Florida Keys—directly facing Cuba—the US Southern Command declared that a “hybrid fleet is ready.”

Meanwhile, White House officials have made it increasingly clear that they seek regime change. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has declared that Cuba’s economic system “cannot be fixed” and that those in power in Cuba are incapable of solving it. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, in a recent congressional hearing, designated Cuba a threat to US national security. Trump himself has personally stated that “Cuba is next” after Iran.

Ratcliffe’s visit was preceded by an earlier State Department delegation that issued Cuba an ultimatum, giving it “weeks” to implement changes and release prisoners. The demands included the replacement of President Miguel Díaz-Canel, the release of political prisoners, the settlement of claims on US property confiscated by the Cuban government and the operation of Starlink satellite systems on the island.

In this context, the offer of $100 million in US aid—directed not to the Cuban government but to Catholic charities—must be understood for what it is: a Trojan horse. The figure amounts to roughly $10 per Cuban. Rubio and other US officials immediately and falsely announced that Cuba had rejected the offer, using the manufactured controversy as a pretext to portray the Cuban government as indifferent to its own population’s suffering.

President Díaz-Canel responded on social media accepting the aid as long as it is delivered “in full conformity with universally recognized practices for humanitarian assistance.”

The $100 million figure is a wholly manufactured number for propaganda purposes. It functions as a distraction to shift blame for US policies starving the Cuban people and decades-long plans for regime change. 

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US maneuvers have thoroughly exposed the political bankruptcy of the Cuban leadership, even beyond the capitulation of welcoming the CIA director. At no point has the Castro regime appealed for the independent mobilization of workers in Cuba, the United States, or across the Americas to stop an aggression that carries the historical significance of a counterrevolutionary retribution for the 1959 Cuban Revolution.

After insisting that Cuba harbors no foreign military or intelligence bases and supports no hostile activity against the United States, the Cuban government issued a statement expressing its interest in developing cooperation between law enforcement agencies to enhance “the security of both nations, as well as regional and international security.” The Cuban leadership has also signaled its willingness to hand economic control to US imperialism so long as the privileges and power of the Castroite ruling elite are preserved.

All nominally left-wing governments in Latin America have been entirely complicit in Cuba’s suffocation. Brazil’s Lula da Silva traveled to the White House last week to kiss Trump’s ring, emerging to lend full credibility to Trump’s claims that he has no plans for war against Cuba. Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum responded to Ratcliffe’s Havana visit by saying, absurdly: “Hopefully an understanding and agreement will be reached recognizing the sovereignty of the Cuban people”—an effective endorsement of the process underway.

Colombia’s Gustavo Petro and Venezuela’s remaining Chavistas have equally refused to take any concrete action to break the fuel blockade.

Regarding Cuba’s other main international partners, China’s President Xi Jinping refrained from raising the question of Cuba at all in his summit with Trump in Beijing. Russia, for its part, has made empty promises of aid while diverting its oil tankers from Cuba whenever they face US pressure.

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Workers cannot afford to place any confidence in any section of the capitalist establishments, including in the United States, Cuba and across the Americas. The threat of a military operation against Cuba—a counterrevolutionary settling of accounts aimed at the international working class—demands the independent and international mobilization of workers to end the economic blockade and military preparations against Cuba and the source of imperialist war: the capitalist profit system.

4. Trump seeks $1.7 billion taxpayer payout for allies and January 6 fascists

According to ABC News, Trump is poised to drop his $10 billion lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service in exchange for the creation of a $1.7 billion taxpayer-funded “weaponization” compensation fund. The fund could be used to compensate Trump allies, entities associated with the president and, potentially, the January 6 fascists who stormed the Capitol in an attempt to overturn the 2020 election.

The proposed fund would not be distributed through an open, accountable process. ABC News reports that the commission overseeing the money would be appointed under conditions in which Trump could remove its members without cause, and the commission would not be required to disclose its procedures or decision-making process.

A supposed prohibition on Trump receiving money directly is a transparent fraud. ABC reports that while Trump himself would be barred from receiving payments tied to several of his own legal claims, entities associated with him would not be explicitly barred from filing claims. This would allow the president to posture as personally disinterested while building a mechanism through which his allies, his political operatives and, potentially, businesses in his orbit could receive taxpayer money.

The hypocrisy is staggering. Trump, who should have been prosecuted, convicted and imprisoned for his role in the January 6 conspiracy, is instead using the machinery of the state to extract money from the public treasury. Those who joined his attempt to overturn the election are being transformed from criminals into claimants for government compensation. 

The class character of the settlement is unmistakable. There was supposedly no money to protect the jobs of 17,000 Spirit Airlines workers after the government refused to provide a $500 million loan. But more than three times that amount is now being prepared for Trump’s allies, January 6 defendants and, potentially, entities associated with the president himself. The ruling class claims there is no money for jobs, health care, schools or social programs, but billions can be mobilized overnight for war, prisons, police and political payoff operations. 

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Trump is now seeking to move from pardoning the fascist foot soldiers of the failed coup to compensating them. ABC reports that hundreds of January 6 defendants have already begun seeking payouts from the federal government, and that Trump previously told Newsmax that people in government “really like that group of people,” adding, “They were patriots as far as I was concerned.” 

The proposed settlement is part of a systematic effort to transform the state into an instrument of personal rule, political retribution and preparation for presidential dictatorship. Earlier this week, it was reported that the Justice Department is pursing what it called a sweeping “criminal conspiracy” case against Trump’s perceived enemies. The FBI under Kash Patel has assembled a team described by sources as a “payback squad.” A senior FBI official denied that such a unit exists under that name, but confirmed the existence of a Director’s Advisory Team examining materials tied to officials who investigated Trump and his allies.

Trump’s Justice Department has brought bogus charges against former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James, both long vilified by Trump as personal enemies. Trump is also pressing for cases against other political opponents, while the state drops or buries investigations into the higher-level figures involved in his own attempted coup.

At the same time, Trump’s allies are openly discussing the use of federal police forces in the 2026 elections. Steve Bannon declared in February, “We’re going to have ICE surround the polls come November.” Following Bannon’s threats, the Trump administration deployed immigration agents to airports to threaten and harass travelers.

The Supreme Court has also cleared the way for a new wave of racial gerrymandering. On April 29, the court gutted enforcement of the Voting Rights Act in Louisiana v. Callais, striking down Louisiana’s second black-majority congressional district and opening the door to new maps across the South. Within weeks, Republican-controlled legislatures in Louisiana and South Carolina were advancing maps that would eliminate Democratic-held seats and reduce black political representation.

That Trump is in a position to carry out such an operation is above all the responsibility of the Democratic Party. The Biden administration and Attorney General Merrick Garland refused to seriously prosecute the political conspiracy behind January 6, delayed for nearly two years before appointing Special Counsel Jack Smith, and left intact the state apparatus that Trump is now wielding against his opponents. The Democrats’ central concern was never defending democratic rights, but instead rehabilitating the Republican Party to pass war budgets and preventing mass opposition to Trump from developing outside the framework of the two-party system.

The proposed $1.7 billion fund is a warning. The same administration that pardoned the January 6 fascists, deploys immigration Gestapo at airports, threatens to surround polling stations with ICE, and categorizes left-wing opposition as “terrorism” is preparing to compensate its shock troops ahead of the midterm elections. The fight against this developing dictatorship cannot be entrusted to the Democratic Party, the courts or any faction of the capitalist state. It requires the independent political mobilization of the working class against both parties of Wall Street and US imperialism.

5. Australian study reveals tunneling workers’ concerns over silica dust exposure

Tunneling workers’ health and lives are at risk from the continued refusal of corporations and government authorities to address the known dangers of respirable crystalline silica dust inhalation.

6. The fraud of Labor’s “historic” housing policies in Australian budget

Virtually all of the coverage and commentary surrounding the Australian Labor government’s budget since it was brought down on Tuesday has focused on changes contained in it to the property tax investment regime, centered on the winding back of some negative gearing and capital gains tax breaks.

Labor and its defenders in the media have presented the measures as “bold,” “ambitious,” even “historic” and as a significant attempt to improve the plight of first homebuyers, especially among the youth. Others, including the Liberal-National Coalition, One Nation and the Murdoch press, have condemned the changes as a vast “wealth redistribution” and even as something approaching “communism.”

The official discussion, on all sides, is a kabuki dance. Despite their positions seemingly being diametrically opposed, the government’s supporters and its detractors are coming together to present one of the most inconsequential aspects of the budget, in terms of its impact on the lives of masses of people, as its centerpiece.

Together, they are burying the essence of the budget, its frontal assault on social spending accounting for some $63.8 billion in cuts over the next four years, targeting workers and the poor.

More than half of those “savings” are based on a program of completely gutting the National Disability Insurance Scheme and kicking up to 300,000 people off it. Obscenely, those vulnerable and disabled people are not only having their support taken away and their lives destroyed. The cuts are being presented by the media as old news, if they are mentioned at all, given they were announced four weeks before the budget itself.

The callous indifference of the press hacks to the plight of poor disabled people goes hand in hand with their wilful credulity over the government’s housing tax changes. In both instances, the coverage is substantially premised on ignoring, or pretending to ignore, what is actually in the budget. 

According to the government, its housing changes will result in 75,000 more new homebuyers than would have otherwise been the case over the next decade. That is, even on the rosiest estimate, this “historic” change will nominally assist 7,500 people to purchase a house per year.

To describe that as the equivalent of a rounding error is not an exaggeration. In a country of 28 million people, those 7,500 amount to 0.026 percent of the population, or to be more generous to the government line, to 0.034 percent of all adults. Needless to say, the minuscule impact of the change, as expressed in those crude percentage terms, has not been featured in the headlines hailing the “historic” change.

It is not as though the 7,500 people are being gifted homes either. Only that they will have the “opportunity” to enter a housing market that will remain super-inflated, to acquire a crippling mortgage from one of the banks and to be saddled with it, likely for the rest of their lives. 

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An article in Forbes magazine last month, on the eve of the budget, pointed to the reality that Australian homes are among the most unaffordable in the world. It notes that “The median house price reached 8.9 times annual income, up from 6.6 five years earlier.” The ratio was 3.3 times annual income in 1984. It noted that “A new loan devours 45 percent of the median household salary. Saving for a standard 20% deposit now stretches to nearly 12 years.” 

A Demographia International Housing Affordability study last year found that Sydney was the second most unaffordable housing market in the world, after Hong Kong, with a median home cost of $1.3 million.

In March, Canstar figures cited by the Daily Telegraph showed that you “currently need to earn a combined income around $300,000 a year to buy a median priced house in Sydney with a five percent deposit.

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To the extent that the Labor governments are seeking to boost supply, it is through handouts to the property developers. That is the real content of the maintenance of negative gearing for new builds, and a raft of measures by Labor at the federal and state levels, aimed at maintaining construction rates at the higher end of the market.

The reality is that the housing crisis is a particularly acute expression of an intractable class division in society. The basic social right to affordable housing for all requires nothing less than a frontal assault on the wealth of the property developers, the billionaires and the banks, and all the political forces that represent their interests, above all the Labor government. That is a fight for nothing less than the socialist reorganization of society from top to bottom.

7. What science knows about Andes hantavirus and why governments ignore it

Hantaviruses belong to a family of RNA viruses that are naturally maintained and carried by wild rodents. While most hantaviruses are transmitted exclusively from animals to humans, the Andes strain is uniquely dangerous because it is the only hantavirus in the world with documented person-to-person transmission capabilities. This distinct biological property transforms the virus from a localized ecological hazard into a pathogen with profound global reach.

The public health significance of this transmission potential is staggering, yet it is met with a glaring paradox. The Andes virus carries a catastrophic case fatality rate of 38 to 40 percent, and medical science currently offers no approved vaccine and no specific antiviral treatment. Despite these alarming realities, the scientific literature investigating its exact transmission biology remains dangerously thin.

The existing evidence, however limited, identifies a credible and severely undercharacterized pandemic threat. What research does exist raises urgent questions about global preparedness, particularly as capitalist governments actively dismantle the exact public health and scientific infrastructures required to monitor and contain such diseases. The deliberate defunding of pandemic research programs by the ruling class makes this biological threat exponentially more dangerous. 

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Hantavirus cardiopulmonary syndrome (HCPS) progresses through three distinct and brutal clinical phases. The initial prodromal phase typically lasts one to five days and presents with nonspecific symptoms, including fever, severe myalgia, headache, nausea and abdominal pain. Because this presentation is clinically indistinguishable from routine influenza or gastrointestinal illnesses, patients are frequently misdiagnosed. Tragically, this deceptive period represents the most highly infectious window for person-to-person transmission of the Andes virus.

The disease then abruptly shifts into the cardiopulmonary phase, characterized by a rapid onset of coughing, severe shortness of breath and profound hypoxia. The pathophysiology behind this collapse is rooted in the viral infection of the endothelial cells lining the blood vessels. This cellular invasion triggers a massive immune system overreaction heavily mediated by infiltrating T lymphocytes. The resulting immunologic assault causes a catastrophic increase in pulmonary capillary permeability. As plasma rapidly leaks from the microvasculature, the alveoli flood with high-protein fluid, leading to massive noncardiogenic pulmonary edema and acute respiratory distress syndrome. Hemodynamically, the patient experiences a severe drop in blood pressure driven initially by distributive fluid loss into the lungs, which is quickly complicated by profound myocardial depression, ultimately culminating in fatal cardiogenic shock.

For those who survive the acute hemodynamic collapse, the convalescent phase begins with spontaneous diuresis as fluid finally clears from the lungs. However, recovery is exceptionally prolonged and can take up to six months, with some patients suffering lasting physical or neurological sequelae.

This medical crisis is compounded by the complete absence of targeted pharmaceutical interventions. Currently, there are no approved vaccines and no specific antiviral medications available to treat the infection. Treatment remains entirely supportive, relying heavily on lung-protective mechanical ventilation, vasopressors to maintain blood pressure, and extracorporeal membrane oxygenation in cases of refractory shock. Consequently, the case fatality rate for the Andes virus is extraordinarily high, hovering around 38 to 40 percent in published series, with some severe outbreaks recording mortality rates exceeding 50 percent.

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The catastrophic unanswered questions surrounding the Andes virus are not the result of innocent scientific limitations, but of a deliberate political assault on global public health. In particular since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, capitalist governments have systematically dismantled the exact research and surveillance programs required to understand and contain this pathogen. 

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This domination of reactionary politics over science has transformed manageable ecological challenges into existential threats to humanity. The outbreak aboard this luxury cruise ship is but a chilling preview of the ease with which future pandemics will unfold. The capitalist system has proven it is structurally incapable of protecting human life from the increasing threat of zoonotic spillovers. 

8. University and school strikes shake São Paulo on the eve of explosive elections in Brazil

A week of near-daily mobilizations in São Paulo exposes the explosive crisis of the Brazilian bourgeois regime five months before the presidential elections.

9. Germany: Accelerated job cuts in the auto and supplier industry

The attack on jobs in the German auto and supplier industry is accelerating. It goes hand in hand with the social cutbacks the government has introduced in relation to the citizen’s income, healthcare and pensions, and with the squandering of vast sums of money on rearmament and war. Unless this trend is halted, disaster looms.

10. Sri Lankan government extends draconian state of emergency

President Dissanayake can rule through emergency decrees, deploy the military and police with extraordinary powers, restrict gatherings, detain individuals without normal judicial procedures, invoke censorship and ban strikes.

11. South Asia, the Iran war and the bankruptcy of bourgeois nationalism

The presentation by Deepal Jayasekera and Dilaxshan Mahalingam begins approximately two hours and 16 minutes into the video. Translated captions are available.

This speech was delivered by Deepal Jayasekera, General Secretary of the Socialist Equality Party (Sri Lanka), and Dilaxshan Mahalingam, a leader of the IYSSE (Sri Lanka), at the 2026 May Day Online Rally, organized by the WSWS and the ICFI.

12. The role of Australian imperialism in the war on Iran and China

Cheryl Crisp's speech begins at approximately two hours and 25 minutes into the video.

This speech was delivered by Cheryl Crisp, Socialist Equality Party (Australia) national secretary, at the 2026 May Day Online Rally, organized by the WSWS and the ICFI.

13. Attend Sunday's meeting to vote for an immediate Nexteer strike!  

After workers voted down a second UAW-backed contract by 73% local union officials have called a membership meeting on Sunday. The following is a statement by the Nexteer Workers Rank-and-File Committee.

14. Germany’s May 8 school strike underscores the necessity of a socialist perspective against conscription and war

On May 8, the 81st anniversary of Germany’s liberation from the Nazis, around 45,000 school students protested nationwide against conscription and war. The movement shows the enormous opposition of an entire generation, but requires a socialist perspective to succeed.

15. Brian Goldstone, interviewed by the World Socialist Web Site, wins a Pulitzer Prize for his book There Is No Place for Us: Working and Homeless in America

The World Socialist Web Site republishes an interview with Brian Goldstone about homelessness in America: “In America right now, a low-wage job … is homelessness waiting to happen.”

16. Workers Struggles: Asia and Australia

Australia:

Wambo coal mine workers in New South Wales hold another 3-day strike
 
ACT public servants strike for better pay offer and conditions
 
ACT teachers begin industrial action
 
DXC Technology workers strike again over low pay and wage theft
 
Campbell’s Soup factory workers in Victoria strike for pay and job security
 
Goldwind wind farm construction workers strike for new enterprise agreement
 
Tasmania: Dental health clinic workers walk out again
 
Public school nurses in Victoria maintain industrial action for pay parity

Bangladesh:

Barishal University teachers protest for promotions

India:  

Haryana municipal sanitation workers continue statewide strike
 
Jammu and Kashmir road construction workers protest for better wages and living conditions
 
Punjab: Phagwara Municipal Corporation sanitation workers on strike
 
Himachal Pradesh Road Transport Corporation workers to strike

17. Defend Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk! Please add your name to our petition! 

The fight for the Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist's freedom is an essential component of the struggle against imperialist war, genocide, dictatorship and fascism.

May 15, 2026

Headlines at the World Socialist Web Site today: 

1. Anger spreads after strike by 42,000 UC California workers canceled in the middle of the night

42,000 University of California healthcare and service workers were set to begin a historic open-ended strike on Thursday, May 14. Custodians, patient care technicians, respiratory therapists, food service workers and others had voted overwhelmingly to strike against poverty wages, skyrocketing housing costs and the inadequate healthcare. Workers in AFSCME Local 3299 have been kept on the job without a contract since 2024.

Then in the dead of night, the strike was abruptly called off at approximately 1:26 am Thursday morning, and workers were ordered to report to work only hours later. The American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Local 3299 announced it reached a tentative agreement behind closed doors with the University of California administration.

This is the latest in a series of sellouts by union bureaucrats across the country. In particular, it is almost identical to the way that the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) blocked a district-wide strike of 77,000 Los Angeles public school workers in April with only hours to go before their strike deadline, following all-night talks involving LA Mayor Karen Bass. The same week, the SEIU canceled a strike of 34,000 building workers in New York City shortly before it was set to begin.

Also at the UC system, the United Auto Workers (UAW) suppressed a 93.3 percent strike mandate by 40,000 academic workers after their contract expired in March, ultimately pushing through a ratified agreement without ever allowing a strike.

The union bureaucracy is deliberately sabotaging workers in order to prevent a struggle which would inevitably develop into a broader fight that would threaten their ties to management and the Democratic Party. A general rule is emerging: The more favorable the objective conditions for a struggle, the more shamelessly the bureaucracy acts to disrupt and dissipate workers’ momentum. 

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AFSCME officials never intended to wage a genuine struggle against the financial interests of the UC Regents, the Democratic Party establishment or the capitalist system, which subordinates healthcare and education to profit. Their function is not to mobilize workers independently but to contain and suppress opposition within safe channels acceptable to management and the state.

On AFSCME Local 3299’s Instagram page, workers were furious. “What happened to all that talk about retro pay? The housing? We won’t stop until we win?” asked one worker, throwing the union’s rhetoric back in its face. 

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World Socialist Web Site reporters were on the ground speaking to workers at UC Irvine Thursday morning following the announcement. 

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The struggle must be resumed under workers' control. AFSCME members should organize meetings to decide on their own non-negotiable demands and prepare the ground for mass action to win them, with or without the permission of the union apparatus.

This struggle must be based on a strategy of class struggle. Workers are being told there is “no money” for housing, staffing or wages while hundreds of billions are funneled into criminal wars. Trump recently declared with utter contempt that he does not think “even a little bit” about the economic impact of the war on tens of millions of Americans.

But the attack on the working class is bipartisan. The Democrats who run California, and who also make up the UC Regents, have overseen brutal austerity, while refusing to do anything to hold Trump accountable in the slightest for his fascist policies.

The struggle is not simply against the UC administration but against an entire political and economic system that subordinates human need to private profit. 

2. Mélenchon 2027: A presidential campaign that holds back workers’ mobilization

On May 3, Jean-Luc Mélenchon announced his candidacy for the 2027 presidential election on TF1’s evening news broadcast. His interview with Anne-Claire Coudray laid out not a revolutionary perspective but the absence of one. Together with his party, La France Insoumise (LFI), he is acting not to mobilize workers against austerity and war but to smother them within a nationalist orientation toward French capitalist institutions.

Pressed to explain his decision to run after having proclaimed his retirement at the last presidential election in 2022, Mélenchon brushed the question aside: “I haven’t changed my mind. … the discussion wasn’t about who is the best candidate from the standpoint of I don’t know what, what kind of aesthetics. It was: who is best prepared to face the situation that is coming?” He cited the danger of a “generalized war.” 

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Mélenchon analyzed the international situation as follows: “We are entering a very turbulent season in world history. We are threatened with a generalized war. We are threatened by a spectacular change in the climate. And then we have an economic and social crisis that is bearing down on us.” He went on to address the rise in fuel prices in France:

“None of this falls from the sky. It is not a mistake made by poor people who didn’t go to work enough. All of this is a war started by two countries: Israel and the USA. And whoever started this situation therefore has a political cause.”

Having criticized the obvious and undeniable responsibility of Trump and the Israeli regime for their military aggression against Iran, Mélenchon then responded to the journalist’s question about what he would have done in Macron’s place. Mélenchon replied that he would have built an alliance with the PSOE-Sumar government in Spain to defend international law and stop the war. He said:

“I would have made international law my banner… I would have created a front of refusal with the Spanish… We would start with one thing: cutting the European Union’s commercial cooperation relationship with Israel. Israel cannot survive without the European Union. And with that, an arms embargo.”

This reasoning has an appearance of coherence and proposes defensible measures, such as an embargo targeting Israel following the genocide in Gaza. But it is silent on several decisive questions. First, and we will return to this, it does not address the consequences for workers of an alliance with the capitalist PSOE-Sumar government.

But above all, Mélenchon does not say that Macron is a political criminal. He does not say that France, since the beginning of the war on February 28, has made its military bases at Istres and in the Persian Gulf available for the American-Israeli aggression against Iran. He does not say that France, under Macron, continued to deliver arms to Israel even as the genocide in Gaza was underway. He does not say that Macron, by publicly declaring his friendship with the Netanyahu regime, made himself complicit in crimes against humanity.

Mélenchon, who wants to confine workers within the framework of French institutions, says nothing about the politically criminal evolution of French imperialism or about the fact that Macron’s ministers marched alongside the neo-fascist National Rally (RN) to defend the Israeli regime.

Where does this silence come from? It comes from his own record. During the 2024 legislative elections, even as the genocide in Gaza had been underway for months, Mélenchon was calling for votes for candidates from the Socialist Party (PS) and the Macronist bloc—formations that supported Israel’s policies. Pointing today at Macron as a genocide accomplice would oblige Mélenchon to account for his own Nouveau Front Populaire (New Popular Front). This silence is not modesty; it is complicity. 

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The crisis triggered by the Hormuz blockade is striking now—in transportation, in food, in housing. It will not wait for the end of the 2027 presidential second round. By then, a global recession could be entrenched, and millions of workers could have lost their jobs. An international social mobilization is needed to impose a price freeze, expropriate the war profits of oil companies and, above all, to stop the war and the energetic strangling of the global economy. 

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Mélenchon announced that his campaign would put forward what he called the “New France,” to which he attempted to give a popular content by invoking racial and gender identity. To flesh out the slogan, he continued:

“One in three French people has a foreign ancestor. One family in two has left its region of origin. Don’t you see that women have a completely different status from what they had in 1958? Young people, elderly people who are more numerous than ever. All of that is the New France. The New France is not one part of France against another; it is all of France.”

By foregrounding women and racial or national minorities, Mélenchon sets aside the class divide within this France, which is the same as in the “old” one. Lumping together the bourgeois, the small property owners and the workers under these identity categories, he leaves aside precisely what is essential from a Marxist standpoint: The overwhelming majority of both the “new” and the “old” France consists of workers exploited by the capitalist oligarchy. 

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The substitution of “the people” and racial or gender categories for a class perspective is not a mere rhetorical adjustment: It is a political decision. By diverting workers from the necessary struggle for working-class unity, it favors the normalization of a populist political climate in which the capitalist oligarchy can normalize neo-fascist populism.

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Mélenchon’s interview on TF1 demonstrates that none of the burning questions facing workers will be resolved through the presidential elections. The interview sends a clear signal to the ruling class: Mélenchon is trying to create a political framework for the electoral campaign that will exclude the questions of world war, genocide and the necessary mobilization of workers against austerity and fascism.

This illustrates what the Parti de l’égalité socialiste (PES), the French section of the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI), has always maintained: LFI is a petty-bourgeois pseudo-left formation that channels working-class opposition toward the ballot box and the framework of the capitalist state.

3. The crisis of the Starmer government, the Labour Party and British capitalism

Britain has entered a new stage of political crisis. Labour leader Keir Starmer’s premiership is on the verge of collapse—shaken by resignations and no-confidence letters, including from the arch-Blairite Health Secretary Wes Streeting—and now awaits the final trigger for an open leadership challenge.

To mount a socialist response, workers and young people must look past the media psychodrama that reduces politics to soap opera and personality clashes, and focus instead on the underlying realities driving the crisis.

The Starmer government’s crisis is the outcome of two intertwined, long-term processes: the global decline of British imperialism amid the convulsions of world capitalism, and the complete collapse of the Labour Party’s working class constituency.

In the nearly 30 years from 1979 to 2007, Britain had only three prime ministers. Two of them—Margaret Thatcher for the Conservatives and Tony Blair for Labour—served continuous 10-year terms. Since then, in less than twenty years, Britain has churned through seven prime ministers, with four—and now potentially five—coming in just the last four years.

In every case, the fall of a British prime minister has been precipitated by an international shock that exposed the brittleness of British imperialism’s global position and, in doing so, sharpened domestic class antagonisms at home. 

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Starmer ultimately came to power in what the media aptly characterized as “a loveless landslide”, delivered a huge majority on an unprecedentedly low share of the vote thanks to disgust with the Tories and Britain’s undemocratic electoral system. Now he has been capsized by the shock waves of the war in Iran and President Donald Trump’s detonation of the “special relationship” between the US and the UK.

Britain’s ruling class is caught in a tightening vice. On one side is a brutal price shock—with food costs projected to end the year 50–64 percent higher than in mid-2021, and soaring fuel costs squeezing working class families and battering industry. On the other is the demand for a massive rearmament drive—what one senior government adviser, quoted in the Financial Times, called a “‘rude wake-up call’ for the country’s under-investment in its military.”

Once again, amid deepening popular hatred of Starmer’s government and its rapid electoral collapse, the Labour “left” is playing the decisive role in clearing the ground for the crisis to be settled entirely among a gang of right-wing Blairites in disarray.

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In every crisis of rule suffered by the British capitalist class, as its global position has weakened, the dictates of international finance and the requirements of militarism have asserted themselves ever more directly and nakedly. Vastly more column inches—and far more anonymous briefings from Labour insiders—are devoted to addressing the wishes of the bond markets than of the population, when it comes to a potential new prime minister.

Kathleen Brooks, research director for investment company XTB, put the matter bluntly: “The UK still has the highest borrowing costs of any G7 member, and our yields have risen at the fastest rate since the Middle East war started. Until a challenge from the left of the Labour Party is eradicated, or the government embarks on growth-positive economic policy, we do not see UK bond yields substantially falling from here.”

On the military front, whoever is the Labour prime minister for the rest of this parliament is expected to reverse the prolonged decline of the British armed forces by shifting billions from welfare spending to war.

These demands are incompatible with even the most minimal social programs. The absurdly mislabeled “soft left” leadership hopefuls—Andy Burnham and Angela Rayner—have already begun the required pilgrimages to corporate headquarters, offering up whatever scraps of socially minded rhetoric may have escaped their lips in the past. Global finance, they reassure, will have the final say.

The Labour Party is not merely pressured by these forces. Having severed any remaining connection to its former working class constituency, it is a political instrument of the corporate and financial oligarchy—body and soul. 

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In less than two years, the Starmer-led Labour government has fully confirmed the Socialist Equality Party’s assessment on the day of his election: that a “new reactionary monster” had been installed “at the head of a Labour government on a collision course with the British working class.”

4. Australia: Longtime carer Julienne Verhagen denounces Labor government’s attack on the disabled

Julienne Verhagen with her brother

Julienne Verhagen spoke last week with the World Socialist Web Site about the Albanese government’s $36 billion cut to the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). Labor’s measures will drive at least 300,000 people off the scheme by 2030 through the replacement of diagnosis-based eligibility with “functional assessments,” the imposition of a 16 percent reduction in social and community participation programs, the removal of thousands of autistic children from the NDIS and other brutal cost-cutting measures.

Verhagen is a highly skilled disability support worker and a full-time family carer with years of experience in disability service management, including involvement in the hiring and training of support staff. She is also the author of The Power of Interactive Care.

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Julienne Verhagen:  

"All the rhetoric about the NDIS being too big, and that we shouldn’t have children or people with milder disabilities on plans, is false and despicable. How dare they blame the disabled and put even more pressure on families who are already doing everything they can!

I’m a full-time carer for my sibling, who has severe and complex disabilities—he’s quadriplegic and blind—and cannot do anything for himself. And yet the NDIA [National Disability Insurance Agency] absolutely gutted his plan, so I’ve seen how the system works and what happens when you challenge its decisions.

The NDIS was designed to ensure that providers made a profit and that services were made available for people with disabilities—support workers, disability housing, speech therapists, occupational therapists, and others willing to develop those resources. This wasn’t meant to be a temporary measure to get the system started, but was built into the system itself, with the promise of reasonable profit margins of maybe 10 or 20 percent. Instead, we now have inflated provider rates, overpriced equipment, and ballooning profit margins.

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"My family spent nearly two years in tribunal hell fighting a brutal reduction in the care plan for my sibling. The reduction would have made safe daily living impossible for him. I was grilled on the witness stand for nearly three hours by a QC. No expense was spared by the NDIA in trying to stop us from winning back physiotherapy, home support, and other essential needs. We had to fund reports, legal representation, endless conferences, and mountains of evidence just to secure the support he needs to survive. We eventually won, but the emotional and financial damage was enormous, and we had to take out a second mortgage to pay the lawyers. It took five months before the NDIS implemented some of the gains we won during the case conference process.

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"There’s a difference between being alive and having a life. Having a life means access to the community—interaction, relationships, and meaningful activity. If you’re denied that, it’s like being taken back to the conditions of the 1950s and 1960s: segregation, invisibility, and greater risk of abuse and neglect. My family member would not be alive today if he had been born 20 years earlier. Even in the 1970s, people with cerebral palsy were still dying because the government would not provide enough money for basic support.

Don’t get me wrong, there are lots of problems with the NDIS, but it has meant freedom for thousands of disabled people and has been instrumental in giving my family member a life. For the government to suddenly declare it is going to fix the NDIS is like trying to fix a plane while it is in the air and full of passengers. If you were really going to fix it, the first thing to do would be to land the plane and then get the passengers off safely.

We should be investing more money into disability, mental health, aged care, and other social needs. You really do get your money back when you invest in the people in our community who need help."

5. Australian Liberal leader launches tirade against immigrants in budget reply

Liberal Party leader Angus Taylor used his speech last night, replying to the Labor government’s budget, to carry out a frothing attack on immigrants. The address was less an outline of economic policy, and more a political signal that the Liberals and their Coalition partners in the Nationals are shifting to a Trumpian “Australia First” appeal.

That is one expression of a massive lurch to the right by the entire political establishment. There was a sense in which Taylor was straining to outflank Labor from the right, given the utterly reactionary character of its own policies. 

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Taylor was not only attacking so-called “illegal” immigrants, but also those who have a valid visa and even permanent residency in Australia. Non-citizens would be immediately excluded from receiving all government benefits and assistance, Taylor declared.

“My message is this: If you commit to Australia, then Australia will commit to you,” Taylor said. “After all, the taxes paid by hard working Australians should support Australians.” Those are only two of a series of lines he delivered, in his budget reply and follow-up interviews that were both false and had a clear xenophobic character to them.

Taylor, the scion of a wealthy farming family who studied economics at Oxford under a Rhodes scholarship, is no doubt aware that non-citizens pay taxes.

In an interview with the Australian Broadcasting Corporation after his speech, Taylor defended the policy, saying migrants were rushing to Australia to immediately access welfare. In reality, new migrants are already denied the poverty-level unemployment payment for up to four years after their arrival, in what is already a brutal attack on their social rights.

The threats to subject many immigrants to even greater pauperism were connected to a demand that they “make a choice” as to whether they are “committed” to Australia. People had been “let into the country,” he stated, who do not share “our values.”

That is the hyper-nationalist line that non-citizens are potentially “disloyal” or an “enemy” within. It is a vicious attack on the more than 1 million permanent migrants who are not citizens. It is also a threat to the entire population. The suggestion that citizenship and democratic rights are tied to “values” is a declaration that those who do not subscribe to the Coalition’s pro-business, pro-war and anti-working class “values” should be deprived of basic civil liberties.

Above all, Taylor thundered that a Coalition government would carry out “one of the largest cuts to immigration in Australian history.”

Taylor declared that migration levels would be pegged directly to the completion of new houses built, scapegoating “foreigners” for the massive housing affordability crisis.

That is based on a lie. The unaffordability crisis is a product of the dominance of property developers, investors and the banks over the housing market, which they have inflated with the aid of bipartisan government policies to make vast profits. And it is the outcome of a continual erosion of real wages, overseen by pro-business Coalition and Labor governments, working with the corporations and the trade union bureaucracy. 

6. US Postmaster General floats ending six-days-a-week mail delivery, closing most local post offices

Postmaster General David Steiner proposed the most sweeping service cuts in the history of the United States Postal Service in a May 8 meeting of the USPS Board of Governors.

Steiner’s opening report to the meeting called on Congress “to remove the mandates that ensure the Postal Service loses money: For example, days and levels of service, the ability to close unprofitable offices, and the underpricing of First-Class Mail. If we had flexibility on those three main issues, we could go a long way towards becoming profitable, but the American public would see reduced levels of service and higher rates.”

This amounts to the abolition of USPS as a public service, converting it openly into a for-profit model and setting the stage for its privatization. More than 70 percent of local post offices are unprofitable, according to USPS’ own estimates. Combined with cuts to “days and levels” of delivery service, this would lead broad swathes of the country, especially rural areas, without reliable access to mail.

He specifically singled out the post office’s Universal Service Obligation: The legal requirement to provide all Americans with postal delivery at uniform prices. “Revenues and savings cannot offset the costs associated with the universal service obligation, our ‘USO,’ under the current business model. It is unsustainable.”

Steiner technically presented this as one of two options before Congress, with the second being substantial increases in federal subsidies for USPS, which operates as an independent, self-funding agency. But nobody should be under any illusions about which route will be taken. The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board already answered for the ruling class on Monday: “No thanks. Start with option one, and let Mr. Steiner run the business like a business.” 

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The financial crisis is the result of a bipartisan project stretching back decades. In 1971, the Nixon Administration demoted the post office from a cabinet-level department to an independent agency, following a massive nationwide wildcat strike the previous year. The requirement that the new agency be self-funding created the framework within which every subsequent round of cuts has been justified.

The latest phase began in 2021, under previous Postmaster General Louis DeJoy’s “Delivering for America” restructuring program, which aimed at broadly similar goals to what Steiner is now floating. The program closed hundreds of facilities, eliminated or redrew thousands of routes and consolidated the system into a smaller number of large, highly-automated distribution centers. Conditions in these buildings are horrendous, with multiple deaths in the last few months, according to an independent investigation by the Postal Workers Rank-and-file Committee.

Dismantling much of USPS is being floated by the ruling class as a solution to close a funding gap of $2 billion per quarter. But this amount equals roughly two days of the war against Iran, which burned through more than $12 billion in its opening week. The Trump administration has requested a 50 percent increase in the Pentagon budget to $1.5 trillion annually.

The attacks on postal services are worldwide. Royal Mail in Britain was privatized in 2013, and sold to Czech billionaire Daniel Kretinsky in 2024. Now, with the collaboration of the Communication Workers Union, it is imposing mass cuts. Canada Post is preparing to eliminate 30,000 jobs—more than half its workforce—and ending door-to-door delivery. 

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The postal union bureaucracy is trying to chloroform postal workers and the public about what is taking place, denying that a crisis exists at all and limiting their “solutions” to within the existing framework. On May 1, the presidents of the American Postal Workers Union, National Association of Letter Carriers, National Postal Mail Handlers Union and the National Rural Letter Carriers Association sent a joint letter to Congress calling for it to raise USPS’ statutory borrowing limit, allow the pension fund to invest in the stock market and change accounting for legacy retirement obligations. 

In an April livestream, APWU president Jonathan Smith dismissed the crisis as a “situation,” attacked “negative headlines,” and told workers “victory is only a phone call to Congress away,” berating them for not calling their representatives.

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Postal workers must organize themselves independently of the union bureaucracy in order to defend the post office, rallying behind them workers across the country. In 1970, postal workers launched a wildcat strike that brought mail delivery to a halt across the country, defying President Nixon and anti-strike laws, along with union leaders who ordered them back to work.

Today there is growing opposition across the working class—to mass layoffs, to the war in Iran, to the entire political establishment. The problem is not the absence of opposition but the deliberate sabotage of working class resistance by institutions which claim to represent workers.

The USPS Workers Rank-and-File Committee and the IWA-RFC urges postal workers to insist: the postal service is a public service! It requires full public funding and no cuts to service days or routes.

Postal workers who want to fight back should join or form a rank-and-file committee in their workplace and make contact with the USPS Workers Rank-and-File Committee and the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC), which is coordinating resistance among postal workers in the US, Britain, Canada, Australia and beyond. 

7. Germany’s trade union apparatus closes ranks with the government

Yasmin Fahimi’s 96 percent reelection exposes the German Trade Union Confederation’s role in enforcing social cuts to finance German rearmament.

8. Germany: Labour court investigates possible irregularities at works council election at Bosch GmbH

It is entirely justified to have the legality of the works council elections of March 11 reviewed by the Aalen Labour Court.

9. Democrats force House vote on increased military aid to Ukraine

The Democrats in the House of Representatives have succeeded in forcing a floor debate and vote on legislation to provide more military and financial aid to Ukraine, over the opposition of House Speaker Mike Johnson and the Trump White House.

In a procedure known as a discharge petition, a total of 218 representatives, a numerical majority, have given their signatures to force the vote. This includes all 215 Democrats, as well as two Republicans, Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania and Don Bacon of Nebraska, and Republican-turned-independent Kevin Kiley of California.

Bacon is retiring from Congress, while Kiley’s seat has been effectively eliminated by the Democratic gerrymander of California’s congressional delegation, although he may seek to retain his seat by running as an independent.

Kiley made the right-wing character of the pro-Ukraine legislation explicit, saying that it was necessary both to show support for Ukraine in its war with Russia, and to warn Russia against providing support to Iran in the current US-Iran war. 

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House Speaker Mike Johnson opposed the legislation and has refused to permit it to come to the floor for nearly a year. He has now set a vote on the bill for the first week of June, when it is expected to pass. More than likely, however, it will either be bottled up in the Senate or vetoed by Trump.

A discharge petition is a rarely used procedure to bypass the Speaker, but it has now been successfully employed six times since the beginning of 2025. This is largely because the Republican majority is so narrow that only a handful of defections—at present, the number is three—can force a vote, provided all Democrats sign the petition.

The Ukraine Support Act has three main components:

·  Reiterating US support for Ukraine and NATO and creating a special coordinator for rebuilding efforts after the end of the war

·  Authorizing $1.3 billion in direct military aid to Ukraine and up to $8 billion in direct loans

·  Expanding sanctions and export control targeting Russian government officials and the country’s financial, oil and mining sectors, while limiting President Trump’s ability to lift those sanctions.

The bill also proposes rebuilding US weapons stockpiles depleted through the Ukraine war—and even more by the war in Iran.  

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Among the Democrats endorsing stepped-up US intervention in the war with Russia—which carries with it the danger of a nuclear conflict—are all three members of the Democratic Socialists of America in Congress, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib and Greg Casar, as well as Summer Lee, a former DSA organizer, and others identified as members of the supposedly radical “Squad,” like Ilhan Omar and Ayanna Pressley.

They stood shoulder to shoulder with Republican supporters of the war on Iran, like Kiley, and with Democratic warmongers like Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and former Speaker Nancy Pelosi.

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There has been no discharge petition on the war in Iran, in part because a vote to invoke the War Powers Act is privileged under House rules and cannot be blocked by the Speaker. Democrat Ro Khanna introduced bipartisan legislation requiring a congressional vote to authorize the war. The measure was defeated in March by 219-212, with four Democrats voting “no” and ensuring its defeat. A similar bill was defeated in April by 214-213, with a lone Democrat, Jared Golden of Maine, providing the deciding “no” vote.

These votes are entirely for show, since the Republican-controlled Senate has repeatedly rejected resolutions invoking the War Powers Act in relation to Iran, and Trump would veto or simply refuse to comply with such a measure if it did pass.

10. Bond markets send out a warning

Before the war on Iran financial traders had been expecting that the BoE would lower borrowing costs to try to boost economic growth. Now they expect the BoE to make two or three quarter point interest rate increases by the end of the year.

In the US the rise in bond yields has come amid a further inflation surge with the annual rate of inflation rising to 3.8 percent in April, from 3.3 percent in March as petrol (gas) prices continue to rise along with a range of other products impacted by the war. And judging by the 6 percent increase in the wholesale price index for the month of April prices for the consumer are set for further major increases.

US economists have warned that there will be upward pressure on prices in every sector of the economy. The Bureau of Labor Statistics has said that the price of freight transportation, which feeds into the cost of every commodity—from groceries to industrial products—had increased by 8.1 percent in April. 

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The inflationary surge is also increasing concerns about how long the rise in US debt can continue as it goes over $39 trillion and the interest bill, now at $1 trillion, continues to surge, taking up an ever-increasing portion of government spending.

The worsening financial position of the US has set up the conditions for continuing conflict within the political and financial establishment.

After waging a campaign against Federal Reserve Board Chairman Jerome Powell, denouncing him as a “numbskull” and “moron” over his refusal to bring down interest rates—even at one point launching criminal proceedings against him—Trump has secured the appointment of his chosen successor Kevin Warsh.

Warsh received Senate confirmation on Wednesday and takes over the helm of the Fed today.

Trump backed Warsh because he has been an advocate of lower rates and appeared to be toeing the president’s line, issuing his own criticisms of the operations of the Fed. He has been regularly denounced as the “sock puppet” of Trump.

But whether he can carry out the demand for interest rate cuts from his political master—Trump has said they should go to as low as 1 percent—is another question. The rate is not set by the chairman alone but by the 12-member Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC). And here the sentiment is turning to a rate increase, not a cut.

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Whatever the machinations in the Fed and the financial establishment, the objective crisis produced by the Iran war continues to deepen. The decision last week of the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) to lift its rate indicated the future direction of other, more significant, central banks.

The baseline scenario of the RBA and other central banks and forecasting agencies, is that the oil prices rise would start to ease over the next few months. That is looking increasingly unlikely.

On Wednesday, the International Energy Agency (IEA) warned that global oil reserves, which have so far kept the oil price from going up more than it has, were being run down at a record pace.

It said that stockpiles of crude and refined oil fell by almost 4 million barrels a day in April. This is more than the combined daily consumption of the UK and Germany. 

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Whatever the immediate twists and turns in the war, the working class is confronting an even bigger hit to its living standards than have been experienced so far. This will drive forward wages struggles under conditions where the central banks, the guardians of the interests of finance capital, are demanding that no compensation should be provided.

11. Mass layoffs to hit New York City’s New School next month

Next month, The New School in New York—one of the most prominent ostensibly progressive academic institutions in the United States—plans to conduct mass layoffs of up to 20 percent of its full-time workforce. The cuts will fall on faculty as well as staff, across finance, IT, HR and support positions, as the administration implements a sweeping restructuring plan to eliminate a $48 million budget deficit.

The school announced potential layoffs in December. It offered a buy-out option to full-time faculty which only about 7 percent accepted. Now the school claims that it has no choice but to impose drastic staffing reductions. By the fall of this year, it aims to eliminate 400 to 460 positions, transition to a “two-college model,” gut student medical services, with full-time faculty facing a projected 15 percent reduction, devastating departments within Eugene Lang College and the New School for Social Research.

The New School was founded in 1919 by scholars—including several expelled from Columbia University for opposing US entry into World War I—who sought a genuinely critical institution outside of conventional academia. For decades it remained, as the World Socialist Web Site has noted, “a center of progressive ideas and opposition to fascism and militarism,” welcoming exiled European intellectuals fleeing Nazism in the 1930s.” 

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The central pillar of the university’s austerity program is a massive administrative consolidation that effectively dissolves the operational identities of several historic divisions. Under this plan, the Eugene Lang College of Liberal Arts and the New School for Social Research (NSSR) are being merged into a single integrated unit, while Parsons School of Design, the College of Performing Arts, and the School of Public Engagement are being grouped into a secondary professional and creative arts cluster.

This consolidation is not merely an administrative shift; it has triggered the systemic elimination of academic offerings, including the discontinuance or “pausing” of over 23 majors and 16 minors across the university. These cuts have targeted programs deemed “low-enrollment,” with the Eugene Lang curriculum being hit particularly hard in areas such as Journalism + Design, Global Studies, and several foreign language tracks. These course cancellations will lead to job losses among the part-time faculty, who make up almost 90 percent of the total.

The academic contraction is also visible at the graduate level, where the university has implemented a “Ph.D. pause,” suspending new admissions for the 2026–2027 cycle across nearly all doctoral programs, including sociology, philosophy, economics and politics. By freezing these programs, the administration has signaled a pivot away from its historical identity as a “university in exile” for left-wing scholarship.

The present restructuring is not simply a repudiation of the history of The New School but is a part of a widespread attempt by university administrations across the United States to suffocate intellectual dissent on the campuses and align both scholarship and education with the ruling elite’s program of war and dictatorship. This was most dramatically revealed by Columbia University’s capitulation last year to the demands of the Trump administration to impose a regime of censorship on students and faculty.

That a similar process lies behind The New School’s restructuring is best shown by the university’s formation of a right-wing Center for the American Experience (CAE). While the administration has been close-mouthed about exactly what the orientation of the CAE will be and where its funding comes from, there is little doubt that it will be aligned with the right-wing accommodation of universities yo the Trump administration. One of the CAE’s co-directors, Natalia Mehlman Petrzela, publicly opposed an American Historical Association resolution in 2025 that condemned the destruction of Gaza’s educational system. 

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Faculty and students have taken several actions to fight back. They have held protests and delivered petitions to the administration. Recently, full-time faculty, who do not belong to a union, have sought to join the United Auto Workers to defend their rights.

Expecting the UAW bureaucracy to lift a finger on behalf of New School faculty, however, would be a grievous mistake. The union apparatus subordinates workers to the Democratic Party and the very corporate elite that they are now fighting. The UAW bureaucracy exists not to advance workers’ struggles, but to contain and suppress them, as its record among academic workers and autoworkers has shown repeatedly. 

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The inevitable conclusion is that workers at The New School need to build new organizations to defend themselves from layoffs and to call a halt to the reactionary restructuring of the university: independent rank-and-file committees. These would operate outside the no-strike clauses the UAW has embedded in every contract it has signed with the university, appealing directly to workers across New York City—academic workers at Columbia, NYU, and in particular transit workers, whose contact with the MTA expires this week—for the active solidarity the union bureaucracy has systematically blocked.

This perspective finds its expression in the campaign of Will Lehman, a rank-and-file Mack Trucks worker running as a socialist candidate for UAW president. Lehman’s platform does not seek to reform the UAW bureaucracy but to abolish it—transferring power and the union’s financial resources directly to rank-and-file workers under democratic control.

When the UAW blocked Columbia’s strike authorization in April 2026, Lehman declared the apparatus “management’s enforcer” and “complicit in political repression,” urging workers to seize the initiative independently. His campaign explicitly connects the suppression of academic workers struggles to the subordination of the working class to the Democratic Party and the bipartisan program of austerity and war. This program has never been more necessary for New School workers. 

12. Vote NO on the SAG-AFTRA tentative agreement: Entertainment workers must join the broader struggle of the working class

The SAG-AFTRA tentative agreement locks performers into four years of managed decline, institutionalizes AI exploitation and must be rejected. Build rank-and-file committees now! 

13. From the Ford Rouge plant: build rank-and-file committees

Martaz Crutchfield's speech begins at approximately two hours and 13 minutes into the video.

This speech was delivered by Martaz Crutchfield, candidate for UAW delegate at Ford Dearborn Truck Plant, at the 2026 May Day Online Rally, organized by the WSWS and the ICFI.

14. French imperialism, the war on Iran and the EU assault on migrants

Alex Lantier's speech begins approximately two hours and five minutes into the video. Translated captions are available.

This speech was delivered by Alex Lantier, Parti de l’égalité socialiste (PES) national secretary, at the 2026 May Day Online Rally, organized by the WSWS and the ICFI.

15. Worker with 35 years at Canadian Coca-Cola distributor terminated following job injury

Days after making a splash in the local Calgary media by unveiling a new $75 million state-of-the-art warehouse facility, Coke Canada Bottling unceremoniously axed a worker with 35 years at the company who was injured on the job—essentially crying poor.

Shawne Hopkins was terminated on the basis of the doctrine of “frustration of employment”—a legal term of which most workers are probably unaware. It can be invoked when there is no reasonable likelihood of an employee being able to return to work within a reasonable time after an unexpected situation occurs, such as an illness or injury.

Yet even if an employer makes the claim that an employment agreement has been “frustrated,” it does not release the employer from the obligation to comply with the Alberta Human Rights Act. According to the Alberta Human Rights Commission, “An employer cannot terminate, refuse to hire, or otherwise negatively impact an employee because of their disability, injury, or illness.” The employer is obligated to work with the employee and, “During the accommodation process, everyone must act reasonably and cooperatively in searching for and implementing accommodation.”

Hopkins’ fate is a glaring example of how Canada’s ruling class treats workers as disposable inputs for their profit-making operations who can be tossed aside at a moment’s notice, legal and other regulatory protections be damned. 

*****

The company offered a one-time lump sum payment of $2,511.20 “in recognition” of Hopkins’ 35 years of service and to help him transition away from Coke Canada Bottling, on the condition that he sign a non-disclosure agreement and release the company from liability.

Hopkins declined the insulting offer. 

*****

Hopkins’ union, the Teamsters, performed its duties in characteristic perfunctory fashion, filing a grievance and hiring outside counsel for advice in a legal dispute whose adjudication could take many months, even years. The outcome will be very much dependent on the quality of legal representation he receives. Frequently, such cases result in a “compromise” that strongly favors the company. This is even true when workers die on the job, as shown at Hamilton, Ontario’s National Steel Car plant, where owner Greg Aziz was fined a meager $650,000 after three workers died on the job within 18 months.

The priority of the union bureaucrats is to not upset their ongoing relationship with the company. In 2021, Teamsters Local Union 987 proudly hailed a collective agreement that provided a miserly 9 percent wage increase over a six-year term, just as inflation in Canada was skyrocketing following the initial stage of the COVID-19 pandemic. The bureaucracy’s role as an imposer of real wage cuts is par for the course in light of the entire union apparatus’ integration with corporate management and the state over the past 40 years.

The claim by Coca-Cola Canada Bottling Limited that the company is unable to find an equivalent position within the organization for an employee of 35 years without assuming undue hardship is absurd.

With 6,000 employees in 5 production facilities and more than 50 distribution centers, Coke Canada is a major player in manufacturing across the country. The “proudly independent and family-owned” distributor of Coca-Cola products makes bold and visionary claims on its website: “At Coke Canada Bottling, we foster a supportive, collaborative, family-like culture where our people have opportunities to grow and develop through meaningful work in a fast-paced, dynamic work environment.” It continues, “The ‘behaviors we owe each other’ guide us each day in how we act towards one another, our customers, consumers, communities, and stakeholders.” 

Formed in 2018 when a joint venture purchased Coke’s Canadian bottling and distribution franchise, Coke Canada is an independent, privately held company owned by billionaires with extensive corporate connections—the Tanenbaum family and the descendants of Junior Bridgeman—and not part of the publicly traded Coca-Cola Company. Its annual revenues are estimated at $3.3 billion.

*****

The wealth at the disposal of Tanenbaum and Bridgeman’s heirs is far from exceptional among Canada’s unaccountable and ever wealthier oligarchy. Oxfam Canada reported recently that the country’s 89 billionaires grew their combined wealth by 20 percent during 2025 alone, translating into an increase of $95 billion for the richest 40 billionaires. On the other side of the divide, poverty has risen steadily since 2020, and some 25 percent of Canadians live in food-insecure households. 

*****

Coca-Cola Canada Bottling Limited and its owners could easily afford to accommodate the needs of a 35-year employee who was injured on the job—they just don’t want to. The company’s callous outlook typifies the standpoint of a billionaire oligarchy that views the working class as so much raw material for exploitation and disposal as needed. Workers can only secure safe working conditions and decent compensation for injuries by organizing independently of the pro-corporate union bureaucracies and waging a collective struggle for their class interests by building rank-and-file committees in every workplace to fight for social needs, not private profit, to take precedence.

16. United Kingdom: Postal workers challenge CWU spin over its restructuring plans with Royal Mail

What terrifies the CWU bureaucracy is that workers increasingly recognize the union apparatus as an arm of management. “He's reading off a script,” one worker said of Tony Bouch’s video. Another answered: “from a Royal Mail director.”

17. Starmer government mounts mass police crackdown against London protests, targeting pro-Palestinian movement

Britain’s ruling elite is preparing an unprecedented crackdown in central London on Saturday, directed above all against opposition to the Gaza genocide.

The Metropolitan Police’s £4 million operation has the character of a military deployment. Alongside 4,000 officers, the force is placing armored police vehicles on standby.

On Saturday, a far-right “Unite the Kingdom” march organized by the fascist Tommy Robinson is being held. It was prioritized by the police over a planned demonstration by the Palestine Coalition marking the 78th anniversary of Israel’s expulsion of the Palestinians. A counter-demonstration to Robinson’s, organized by Stand Up To Racism, will also be held.

London is also hosting football’s showpiece FA Cup Final, usually attended by 90,000.

The Met is using the pretext of possible clashes to mount an operation “unprecedented in recent years”, requiring “the most assertive possible use of our powers including strict conditions.”

While routinely restricting national anti-genocide protests in London, Met updates on such stipulations generally amount to a few paragraphs, with maps showing march routes and times. This time its update, “4,000 officers prepare for day of protest in central London”, ran to almost 3,000 words.

It reports the comments of Met Deputy Assistant Commissioner James Harman given at a May 13 media briefing that the 4,000 officers “will include 660 officers from other police forces across England and Wales. In addition to the officers you see out on foot, there will be specialist traffic units, mounted officers, police dogs, police helicopters, drone teams and detectives to investigate offenses that take place at protests.”

Harman said all police officers will be equipped with riot gear, described as “their protective public order equipment”.

He announced, “This Saturday is also the first time we will be using live facial recognition as part of a protest policing operation.” While it is being “deployed in the London borough of Camden in an area likely to be used by those attending the Unite the Kingdom event”, this sets a precedent for a digital dragnet against all future demonstrations.

The Met announced they “will have specialist armed vehicles available for use as a very high level contingency option”: an 18-strong fleet of SandCat armored vehicles manufactured by Israeli company Plasan. The same vehicle has been extensively used by Israel’s military during the genocide in Gaza. Upon purchasing them, the Met said they were intended only for the “most serious public disorder” situations and “high-risk armed policing operations”. 

*****

That such vehicles are now readied for use against political demonstrations makes clear the extraordinarily sharp intensification of class tensions in Britain.

Alongside parading the hardware of repression, the Met is threatening direct curtailment of freedom of speech and assembly. Police conditions under the Public Order Act state that organisers and speakers at both rallies “must ensure that all content displayed and broadcast as part of the assembly” does not include material “likely to stir up racial or religious hatred.”

Harman warned, “For the first time we’ve also imposed conditions relating to the speakers at these protests. These conditions make the organizers responsible for ensuring speakers they invite don’t break the law by using these events as a platform for unlawful extremism or hate speech.” Therefore, “If hate speech is used at the rally, we, the police, will intervene, then and there with the speaker. Our condition places the responsibility on the organizer as well as the speaker to stay within the law.” The BBC reported “Specialist officers, working with prosecutors, will be on standby to take swift decisions to arrest and charge hate speech crimes.

The police statement makes clear that these sweeping powers are aimed principally at pro-Palestinian demonstrators. Harman boasted that police had “arrested and charged people for calling for intifada at protests”. How all-embracing these powers are is confirmed in his statement: “If something is hateful and intimidating we will take action whatever the academic or historical interpretation of those words.”

*****

The pro-Palestinian protest is the primary target of this crackdown, despite Robinson’s far-right demonstrations repeatedly descending into violence. Harman admitted that at last September’s “Unite the Kingdom” rally, “there was violence in multiple locations when protesters attacked police officers and tried to reach opposing groups.” He added that police still have “more than 50 outstanding and unidentified suspects for offenses on that day.”

Saturday’s operation is a directive virtually handwritten in Downing Street. The Met’s statement came within two weeks of Starmer’s April 30 “criminal justice roundtable”. This forum followed the stabbing last month of two Jewish men in Golders Green, London, which Starmer declared was the result of a mass wave of “antisemitism” with those who have protested the Gaza genocide responsible.

Starmer—with the Met Police Commissioner by his side, along with Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood—threatened, “If you stand alongside people who say ‘globalize the intifada’ [the word means rebellion, or uprising], you are calling for terrorism against Jews and people who use that phrase should be prosecuted.” 

*****

Even with his premiership threatened by a leadership challenge, Starmer ensured he spent Friday morning at a London police station to review Saturday’s operation, alongside Rowley and Labour’s London Mayor Sadiq Khan. 

18. Private security firm staffed by former military officers contracted to spy on UK students

Horus is paid roughly £900 a month by universities specifically to compile “encampment updates”, which use the information to identify students. 

19. Trade union leaders call for orderly transition from Starmer to police working class opposition

The trade union bureaucracy bears direct responsibility for delivering the working class into the hands of the Starmer government.

20.  United States: Workers at Nexteer Automotive in Saginaw reject second sellout contract by 73 percent, call for strike action to win their demands

The rejection of a second sellout contract by Nexteer workers must be the signal for rank-and-file action to take the fight into their own hands by building the Nexteer Rank-and-File Committee.

21.  Workers Struggles: Africa, Europe & Middle East

Africa

Kenya and Uganda: 

Truck drivers’ protest paralyses traffic on border between Uganda and Kenya over arrest

Nigeria: 

Students protest at the University of Ibadan over living conditions

South Africa: 

Strike over salary grades by municipal workers in Eastern Cape
 
Dismissal of 21 mineworkers overturned by Labour Court 

Europe

Belgium:

Tens of thousands strike and march against government’s austerity reforms

Greece:

Public sector employees hold 24-hour nationwide strike and protest rally over austerity pay and working conditions

Ireland:

Ambulance workers in Ireland strike for more pay and improved working conditions

Portugal:

Thousands of nurses in one-day strike over pay and conditions

United Kingdom:

UK Royal Fleet Auxiliary workers strike over pay and conditions

Workers at Cambridge University escalating strike over pay parity

Teachers at two secondary schools walk out to oppose job cuts and attacks on conditions 

Middle East

Iran: 

Protests over wages, conditions, cost of living across Iran 

22. Free Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist, Bogdan Syrotiuk!

Bogdan Syrotiuk in 2015

"Peace for the world! Down with war!"